本书全面阐述了金融时间序列，并主要介绍了金融时间序列理论和方法的当前研究热点和一些最新研究成果，尤其是风险值计算、高频数据分析、随机波动率建模和马尔科夫链蒙特卡罗方法等方面。此外，本书还系统阐述了金融计量经济模型及其在金融时间序列数据和建模中的应用，所有模型和方法的运用均采用实际金融数据，并给出了所用计算机软件的命令。较之第1版，本版主要在新的发展和实证分析方面进行了更新，新增了状态空间模型和Kalman滤波以及S-Plus命令等内容。 本书可作为时间序列分析的教材，也适用于商学、经济学、数学和统计学专业对金融的计量经济学感兴趣的高年级本科生和研究生，同时，也可作为商业、金融、保险等领域专业人士的参考书。

《帝国之弧》是乔良将军“帝国论”系列三部曲的第一部。这是继“超限战”之后，作者的又一力作。十几年来，乔良将军潜心于军事理论研究、充分结合国内外形势，冷静透析全球热点事件，直入事件内核，不但对美国金融霸权演变及其产生原因进行了深刻的剖析，使读者明晰金融在大国战略博弈中的重要地位；也对美国对华战略的发展走势提出了自己独特的见解；并探讨了中国的应对之策。作者在《帝国之弧》一书中时而冷静分析，鞭辟入里；时而满怀激荡，真知灼见迸发其间。可以说《帝国之弧》是欲了解世界发展趋势、了解全球政治、军事、经济走向的读者不容错过的佳作。

本书是中国首部深入探讨第三方支付的著作。 本书以电子交易方式、电子货币及电子认证技术演变的“三重奏”将决定电子支付中介的发展为主线，分析了中国第三方支付从“小支付”走向“大金融”的历史逻辑、技术逻辑和商业逻辑，揭示了第三方支付特别是创新型第三方支付机构发展对提升中国经济运行效率的作用，分析了第三方支付的未来发展趋向，并提出了相应的政策建议。 本书旨在以小见大，立足于揭示互联网与移动互联网对中国经济发展转型的深刻作用，聚焦第三方支付这一渗透面极广的微领域，对互联网媒介作用下中国的企业竞争规则、市场规则、政府管理规则的变化特点做了深刻剖析。

本书是由沃伦.巴菲特亲自撰写，美国著名法学教授坎宁安协助整理，讲述了巴菲特创造伯克希尔.哈萨维公司奇迹的一本书。其中不仅仅是他从平民成长为巨富的传奇经历，更重要的是其从100元到160亿成功的投资理念。

这一代中国人生而有幸，生活在改革开放风雷激荡的大时代。 　　改革开放的潮流波澜壮阔，滚滚向前。然而，改革的进程并不是、也不 可能是一路顺风凯歌前进，而必然会遇到这样或那样的阻碍，形成或大或小 的冲突。即使改革本身，也会犯下这种或那种错误。在前进的历程中，改革 有失败、曲折和反复，呈现出高度的复杂性和多样性。因此如我在纪念中国 改革20周年时曾经指出过的，改革时代和狄更斯在《双城记》开篇时所描 绘的时代所具有的相似特征： 　　 “这是最好的时期，也是最坏的时期；这是智慧的时代，也是愚蠢的时 代；这是信任的年代，也是怀疑的年代；这是光明的季节，也是黑暗的季 节；这是希望的春天，也是失望的冬天；我们的前途无量，同时又感到希望 渺茫；我们一齐奔向天堂，我们全都走向另一个方向……” 　　 中国人历来有由当代人将当时发生的事件记录下来，以便以史为鉴的传 统。我们身处伟大的时代，更应当对我们的成功与失误，进步与挫折加以记 录和分析，以便总结过往经验，明确继续前进的方向，把改革开放的事情办 得更好。 　　 然而，在旧时代中，修史的权力基本上被官家所垄断，以致对历史事件 的记述被简约阉割为帝王的“起居注”，以此为基础修成的“正史”也在很 大的程度上变成了“帝王家谱”。其间，为了统治者的利益而增删修饰，更 使历史丢失了它的真面目。在新时代里，这种做法不应当再重复了。 改革开放是大众的事业，亿万工农群众、专业人员、企业家、政治家参 与了这一事业。将他们的辉煌业绩和失败挫折记录下来的最合适的笔者，莫 过于现代社会中的“无冕之王”——新闻记者。新闻写作所要求的翔实准 确，使新闻分析成为作这种活历史记述的最佳文体。可以说，今天的新闻就 是明天的历史。 《财经》杂志丛书这套由《财经》杂志以不同的内容选辑而 成的书，便是如此这般地使昨天的新闻成为了今天的历史。不过，它是一部 未完成的历史，因为改革还在继续，每一天都上演着激动人心的大戏，我们 的财经媒体也源源不断地取得鲜活的素材。 　　 《财经》杂志在我国的专业人员乃至一般民众中有着很高的声誉，这不 仅是因为它用自己如椽之笔向经济中的黑暗行为投去一枝枝投枪，而且是因 为《财经》杂志集合了一批有抱负、有才华、有社会责任感的新闻人。他 (她)们在迷雾重重的资本市场上，凭着赤诚的心，用单薄的肩扛起了他 (她)们本来难以扛起的重担。在此次印行的《黑幕与陷阱》一书中，包括 了《基金黑幕》、 《谁在操纵亿安科技》、 《庄家吕梁》、 《银广夏陷 阱》、 《蓝田神话凋零》等七套报道。 《财经》的读者对这些触目惊心的事 件想必都记忆犹新。 《黑幕与陷阱》编辑的话说道： “重行整理这些报道之 时， 《财经》编辑部既感到自豪，也为中国证券市场的现状感到遗憾。自豪 是因为每篇报道都对澄清市场有所助益；遗憾是因为报道中所揭露的阴暗一 面虽有衰减之势，却远未达到令人满意的程度。”当我们读到这段话时，有 谁能够不与我们可敬可爱的新闻工作者一起自豪和哀伤呢?而在另一本《管 制的黄昏》中，则是记录了中国电信——这个原来高度垄断行业的制度变迁， 走向市场过程中的悲欢离合。 《管制的黄昏》注定了我国电信业将要经过清冷 漫长的夜，迎来一个竞争性市场阳光明媚的早晨。此时此刻，中国电信涨价正 在世界各地的市场上发生着激烈地反应，它警示着人们，改革还未有穷期。 　　在市场经济中，报纸、杂志也是商品，但是又不是一般的商品，而是承 载着诸多社会责任、人文关怀的特殊商品。因此，如何协调业者的近期利益 和社会利益是一个重要的问题。从长远看，越趋近于社会利益而避免急功近 利，越能获得市场利益。因为社会的利益就是读者的利益，保证了社会的利 益也就保证了读者的利益，而读者又是媒体的最终消费者。然而，经济现象 往往扑朔迷离，普通投资者不一定能够凭直觉识别什么是自己的利益所在， 这就使虚假报道和似是而非的“理论”能够行于一时，也必定会有些人禁不 住短期利益的诱惑而背弃良知、贻害社会以致自毁长城。所以要办好媒体就 必须秉持一心为读者的理想，摒弃急功近利的短见，通过自由表达对于社会 的观察和分析来服务社会。媒体的操持者，还应当有对于新闻事业的感情和 敬畏，以及对于无冕之王这一桂冠的持久珍惜。

《史丹•温斯坦称傲牛熊市的秘密》是一部不可思议的著作。是有史以来最棒的交易手册。一个人要经历多少次牛熊市，才能被称为“华尔街神童”？ 一个人要看过多少个市场的起伏变幻，才能准确预测股市行情？ 一个人要有什么样的智慧，才能授人以渔？ 华尔街首席交易大师，启蒙全球无数投资者的阶段分析法的创始人——史丹•温斯坦与您分享其纵横华尔街数十载的宝贵经验。

Liar's Poker is a non-fiction, semi-autobiographical book by Michael Lewis describing the author's experiences as a bond salesman on Wall Street during the late 1980s. First published in 1989, it is considered one of the books that define Wall Street during the 1980s, along with Barbarians at the Gate and the fictional The Bonfire of the Vanities by Tom Wolfe. The book captures well an important period in the history of Wall Street. Two important figres in that history feature prominantly in the text, head of mortgage department Lewie Ranieri and firm CEO John Gutfreund. The book's name is taken from Liar's poker, a gambling game popular with the bond traders in the book and played for high stakes. Liar's Poker follows two different story threads, though not necessarily in chronological order. The first thread is autobiographical, and follows Lewis through his college education and his hiring by Salomon Brothers in 1984. This part of the book gives a first-person account of how bond traders and salesmen truly work, their personalities, and their culture. The book captures well an important period in the history of Wall Street. Two important figures in that history feature prominently in the text, head of mortgage department Lewie Ranieri and firm CEO John Gutfreund. The second thread is a sort of history of Salomon Brothers and overview of Wall Street in general, especially how the firm single-handedly created a market for mortgage bonds and made the firm wealthy, only to be outdone by Michael Milken and his junk bonds. This thread is less dependent on Lewis' personal experience and features quotes apparently drawn from interviews with various relevant figures. Lewis jumps back and forth between these two threads in the book.

《金融战争:中国如何突破美元霸权》作者从国际政治经济学的全维角度，揭示了美元霸权这个有史以来最复杂的金融体制，实际上是美国借助各国央行统治全球经济、获取全球资源财富的主要手段。全书分为3个部分：美元霸权是阻碍全球和中国发展的祸根，美中之间的金融与贸易关系，美元背景下的美中地缘政治。破解金融市场的运行之谜，长久以来都是人们的追求和理想。《金融战争》的面世，对广大投资者来说无疑是一个福音。该书跨越历史时空，俯瞰国际金融体系，对国内外一系列金融大事件进行了生动透彻的剖析，在充分揭示了在加快发展的同时，中国参与制定国际经济金融规则的战略意义。

《胡立阳股票投资100招》讲述了：他曾经在口袋只剩27美元的时候，进入美国证券界，才短短三年时间便成为华尔街叱咤风云的人物。他曾经在台湾股市发展初期，教育投资大众并推广股票投资，为台湾股市带来一股空前的投资热潮，被媒体尊称为“股市之父”。 他目前在中国大陆的演讲场场爆满，盛况空前，总是以幽默风趣的演讲方式，传授股票投资的正确知识，深受投资朋友们的喜爱。 这个人是谁？他就是——胡立阳！一个“来自华尔街的华人传奇”！

We know that power is shifting: From West to East and North to South, from presidential palaces to public squares, from once formidable corporate behemoths to nimble startups and, slowly but surely, from men to women. But power is not merely shifting and dispersing. It is also decaying. Those in power today are more constrained in what they can do with it and more at risk of losing it than ever before. In "The End of Power," award-winning columnist and former "Foreign Policy" editor Moises Naim illuminates the struggle between once-dominant megaplayers and the new micropowers challenging them in every field of human endeavor. Drawing on provocative, original research, Naim shows how the antiestablishment drive of micropowers can topple tyrants, dislodge monopolies, and open remarkable new opportunities, but it can also lead to chaos and paralysis. Naim deftly covers the seismic changes underway in business, religion, education, within families, and in all matters of war and peace. Examples abound in all walks of life: In 1977, eighty-nine countries were ruled by autocrats while today more than half the world's population lives in democracies. CEO's are more constrained and have shorter tenures than their predecessors. Modern tools of war, cheaper and more accessible, make it possible for groups like Hezbollah to afford their own drones. In the second half of 2010, the top ten hedge funds earned more than the world's largest six banks combined. Those in power retain it by erecting powerful barriers to keep challengers at bay. Today, insurgent forces dismantle those barriers more quickly and easily than ever, only to find that they themselves become vulnerable in the process. Accessible and captivating, Naim offers a revolutionary look at the inevitable end of power--and how it will change your world.

★★★★★ ● 看懂中国经济，你最需要的一本书，解决你最深层的困惑。 ● 一个最了解中国经济的经济学家，一本最客观分析中国经济的书。 ● 余永定鼎力推荐！ ★★★★★ 如果用一句经典台词来形容中国经济，我觉得“中国经济水深得很”非常合适。 中国经济谁能看得懂？国内作者写中国经济的书惯于集中皮毛，大有“头疼医头、脚疼医脚”的急躁习性。或大呼“中国经济即将崩溃”，或牢骚满腹，酷似其有经天纬地之才。在我看来，国外作者不受国内气候与惯常思维的影响，反而更有利于客观地评述中国经济。摆在读者你面前的这本《中国经济增长，靠什么》，就是一本极其客观评述中国经济的书。 只所以起这么个书名，完全是有感于书的内容。试想，在美国经济萧条、欧洲债务缠身、日本经济萎靡不振等因素的多重打压下，中国经济明显开始放缓。出口增长很难持续、基础设施投资难以为继、国内消费提不起情绪……接下来，中国经济增长，到底靠什么。这就是这本书的主题。 放下你手中忙碌的工作，把一盏香茶，细细品味一本专司研究中国经济的老外写的一本书，你会发现，原来中国经济有那么多让你吃惊的东西，原来中国经济可以那么与众不同。 ★★★★★ ■名人推荐 ▷▷▷ 本书是关注中国经济人士的必读之作。 ——余永定 ▷▷▷ 在后危机时代，世界所有主要经济体面对的是恢复经济平衡的紧迫任务，中国也不能置身事外。尼古拉斯•拉迪对中国在这项任务中需要采取的关键措施提出了真知灼见，详细阐明了中国向期盼已久的消费驱动型增长模式转型所需的金融和货币改革。毫无疑问，本书将推动关于中国对全球经济影响力的争论。 ——斯蒂芬•罗奇 摩根士丹利亚洲区非执行主席 ▷▷▷ 尼古拉斯•拉迪是我知道的极其了解中国经济的学者之一。我始终非常严肃地看待他关于中国的见解，对于他这本书中的内容我仍然是这样的态度。我相信，这是一本所有对今天中国经济政策感兴趣的人必读的书。 ——比尔•罗兹 威廉•R•罗兹全球顾问有限责任公司主席 ▷▷▷ 拉迪的书是一部关于中国恢复经济平衡并保持高速增长需要实施的政策改革的杰作。本书数据翔实，深刻的分析随处可见，任何想了解中国经济增长前景的人必读此书。 ——埃斯瓦尔•普拉萨德 布鲁金斯学会高级研究员

《乱世中的大国崛起》首先对当前的形势进行判断，指出乱世更加需要我们具有洞察力和观察力。随后，李稻葵提出，乱世崛起，根本上需要我们站稳脚跟，把自己的事情做好，而改革是乱世崛起的最根本的条件。同时，乱世崛起，还要求有高超的国际运作能力。 《乱世中的大国崛起》一书以宏观视野解读当下乱世的世界格局与中国的应对。从多个角度对现在与未来的中国经济关键问题做了犀利剖析，对中国未来经济发展的主动力作了大胆的思考与预测。 今天的世界是名副其实的乱世。欧洲——主权债务危机全面爆发，两年多来，欧洲中央银行置欧元的命运于度外，墨守成规，死守通胀的底线，不愿大规模注资欧债市场。希腊不得不变相破产，接受国际金融社会的援助。希腊不会是最后一个。 美国——财政、经济、社会问题繁如乱麻，危机蓄势待发。种种迹象告诉我们美国的乱象还将持续，未来10 年美国想要重振雄风将是相当艰难的。中国的崛起只能在这个乱世中谋求。乱世如何崛起？这是《乱世中的大国崛起》一书所关心的核心话题。

Octopus is a real-life thriller that tells the inside story of an audacious hedge fund fraud and the wild search, by a colorful cast of rogues and schemers, for a “secret market” beneath the financial market we all know. Sam Israel was a man who seemed to have it all – until the hedge fund he ran, Bayou, imploded and he became the target of a nationwide manhunt. Born into one of America’s most illustrious trading families, Israel was determined to strike out on his own. So after apprenticing with one of the greatest hedge fund traders of the 1980’s, Sam founded his own fund and promised his investors guaranteed profits. With the proprietary computer program he’d created, he claimed to be able to predict the future. But his future was already beginning to unravel. After suffering devastating losses and fabricating fake returns, Israel knew it was only a matter of time before his real performance would be discovered, so when a former black-ops intelligence operative told him about a “secret market” run by the Fed, Israel bet his last $150 million on a chance to make billions. Thus began his year-long adventure in “the Upperworld” -- a society populated by clandestine bankers, shady European nobility, and spooks issuing cryptic warnings about a mysterious cabal known as the Octopus. Whether the “secret market” was real or a con, Israel was all in – and as the pressures mounted and increasingly sinister violence crept into his life, he struggled to break free of the Octopus’ tentacles.

《资本杀》内容简介：美国国会参议院20年元老级议员克里斯托夫•杜德（Christopher Dodd）为什么会在次贷危机中结束自己的政治生命？几乎云集美国所有大企业的“美国商会”为什么不惜一切代价要把总统奥巴马弄下台？美国共和党最近10年所推举的总统级副总统候选人物小布什、切尼、麦凯恩、佩林都有强大的石油行业背景，这是只是偶然巧合还是另有原因？ 本书从“资本逐利”的角度入手，详细描述了自由资本对各国政治的强大操控能力。虽然其操控方式在不同的国家有不同的表现方式——有的通过游说立法推动自由市场、有的通过行贿政府获得市场权力、有的与政府合谋发动对外战争，但是有一点是相同的：那就是任何一种政治生态的背后都有资本集团的影子；任何国家的政局变革乃至国际争端都有其背后的利益成因。

本书是诺贝尔和平奖得主尤努斯的新作，与另一部描述格莱珉银行的发展经历的著作《穷人的诚信》不同，本书主要阐述了作者多年来一直思考并付诸实施“社会企业”概念。所谓社会企业是指以承担社会责任、增进社会利益为目标，不追求分红和利润，但能够盈利和自我维持的企业。自汶川大地震后，企业社会责任这一概念在国内颇为盛行，连温家宝总理也大加提倡。如何将企业的社会责任和企业文化这样一种组织方式结合起来，更好地实现社会责任，增进社会利益，本书将提供很多的启示。

本书取名“新帝国主义在中国”，并不是危言耸听，更不是为了激起所谓的极端民族主义情绪，而是要警示国人，尤其是政府部门和民族企业，彻底丢掉幻想，在认清帝国主义新本质的前提下，与之进行有效的竞争和合作!在当下的全球性时代，力争成为游戏规则的制定者之一，才是我们的理性应对之道。 郎咸平在本书大胆提出“新帝国主义”的概念。他说，不管是轮胎特保案这样的国际贸易纠纷，还是外国资本在中国的一系列并购动作，都是西方国家战略在起作用，是“新帝国主义”盘旋在我们的上空。他指出，国内的水价、油价、粮价变动的背后，是外国资本和国家机器之间娴熟而默契地配合。驱之不散的“新帝国主义”阴云笼罩的不只是我们的几个民族企业、几个典型案例，而是中国整体经济的未来之路。 本书重点分析了“力拓间谍门”、“汇源收购案”和“四大粮商”发动的粮食战争等，试图解释给读者这些经济现象背后的真内幕。 请听一个经济学家的良心话！ 看“新帝国主义”如何算计中国！ 看郎咸平如何揭开外资的真相和现代帝国主义的真面目以及他们疯狂的掠夺行为。

《资本主义的真相:自由市场经济学家的23个秘密》内容简介：如果你想弄明白经济学家们为什么没能预料到经济崩溃(金融危机)的到来，《资本主义的真相(自由市场经济学家的23个秘密)》作者张夏准给出了答案：我们并不了解资本主义的全部。《资本主义的真相(自由市场经济学家的23个秘密)》读来轻松有趣，但有着严肃的目的：自里根时代以来，新自由主义经济学派——自由市场的信徒——长期占据主流地位，《资本主义的真相:自由市场经济学家的23个秘密》将对该学派编造和鼓吹的那些教条背后的假定条件提出质疑。 张夏准是世界上最受尊崇的经济学家之一，他思路清晰、充满智慧，这也是加尔布雷斯和斯蒂格利茨的风格。《资本主义的真相:自由市场经济学家的23个秘密》将揭示全球资本主义制度是如何运作或失灵的。在题为“如何重建世界经济”的最后一章中，作者提供了一种新的视角，那就是如何让资本主义制度发挥人性善的一面，而不是让人们沦为市场的奴隶。

Blinded by a concept 11:06 AM PDT, August 31, 2006 The failure of Israel to subdue Hezbollah demonstrates the many weaknesses of the war-on-terror concept. One of those weaknesses is that even if the targets are terrorists, the victims are often innocent civilians, and their suffering reinforces the terrorist cause. In response to Hezbollah's attacks, Israel was justified in attacking Hezbollah to protect itself against the threat of missiles on its border. However, Israel should have taken greater care to minimize collateral damage. The civilian casualties and material damage inflicted on Lebanon inflamed Muslims and world opinion against Israel and converted Hezbollah from aggressors to heroes of resistance for many. Weakening Lebanon has also made it more difficult to rein in Hezbollah. Another weakness of the war-on-terror concept is that it relies on military action and rules out political approaches. Israel previously withdrew from Lebanon and then from Gaza unilaterally, rather than negotiating political settlements with the Lebanese government and the Palestinian authority. The strengthening of Hezbollah and Hamas was a direct consequence of that approach. The war-on-terror concept stands in the way of recognizing this fact because it separates "us" from "them" and denies that our actions help shape their behavior. ? A third weakness is that the war-on-terror concept lumps together different political movements that use terrorist tactics. It fails to distinguish between Hamas, Hezbollah, Al Qaeda or the Sunni insurrection and the Mahdi militia in Iraq. Yet all these terrorist manifestations, being different, require different responses. Neither Hamas nor Hezbollah can be treated merely as targets in the war on terror because they have deep roots in their societies; yet there are profound differences between them. Looking back, it is easy to see where Israeli policy went wrong. When Mahmoud Abbas was elected president of the Palestinian Authority, Israel should have gone out of its way to strengthen him and his reformist team. When Israel withdrew from Gaza, the former head of the World Bank, James Wolfensohn, negotiated a six-point plan on behalf of the Quartet for the Middle East (Russia, the United States, the European Union and the United Nations). It included opening crossings between Gaza and the West Bank, an airport and seaport in Gaza, opening the border with Egypt, and transferring the greenhouses abandoned by Israeli settlers into Arab hands. None of the six points was implemented. This contributed to Hamas?s electoral victory. The Bush administration, having pushed Israel to allow the Palestinians to hold elections, then backed Israel?s refusal to deal with a Hamas government. The effect was to impose further hardship on the Palestinians. Nevertheless, Abbas was able to forge an agreement with the political arm of Hamas for the formation of a unity government. It was to foil this agreement that the military branch of Hamas, run from Damascus, engaged in the provocation that brought a heavy-handed response from Israel - which in turn incited Hezbollah to further provocation, opening a second front. That is how extremists play off against each other to destroy any chance of political progress. Israel has been a participant in this game, and President Bush bought into this flawed policy, uncritically supporting Israel. Events have shown that this policy leads to the escalation of violence. The process has advanced to the point where Israel's unquestioned military superiority is no longer sufficient to overcome the negative consequences of its policy. Israel is now more endangered in it existence that it was at the time of the Oslo Agreement on peace. Similarly, The United States has become less safe since President Bush declared war on terror. The time has come to realize that the present policies are counterproductive. There will be no end to the vicious circle of escalating violence without a political settlement of the Palestine question. In fact, the prospects for engaging in negotiations are better now than they were a few months ago. The Israelis must realize that a military deterrent is not sufficient on its own. And Arabs, having redeemed themselves on the battlefield, may be more willing to entertain a compromise. There are strong voices arguing that Israel must never negotiate from a position of weakness. They are wrong. Israel?s position is liable to become weaker the longer it persists on its present course. Similarly Hezbollah, having tasted the sense but not the reality of victory (and egged on by Syria and Iran) may prove recalcitrant. But that is where the difference between Hezbollah and Hamas comes into play. The Palestinian people yearn for peace and relief from suffering. The political - as distinct from the military - wing of Hamas must be responsive to their desires. It is not too late for Israel to encourage and deal with an Abbas-led Palestinian unity government as the first step toward a better-balanced approach. Given how strong the U.S.-Israeli relationship is, it would help Israel achieve its own legitimate aims if the U.S. government were not blinded by the war-on-terror concept.

The title of this 1883 classic of laissez-faire economics and sociology is ironic: the social classes do not, the author concludes, owe each other anything. Demolishing the theory of group obligation and fully embracing the concepts of dog-eat-dog social Darwinism, Sumner rages against the notion that the educated and wealthy have any obligation to the poor and uneducated, declares that the men should simply pull themselves out of poverty, deems taxes an obscenity and universal suffrage "immoral and vicious," dismisses the idea of "natural rights," and decries anything other than "every man for himself." A stunning evocation of modern libertarianism taken to its logical extreme, What Social Classes Owe to Each Other presents a bleak vision of contemporary industrial society... one valuable for those on all sides of the issue to understand and appreciate. American academic and author WILLIAM GRAHAM SUMNER (1840-1910) was an influential professor of sociology and politics at Yale College and president of the American Sociological Association from 1908 to 1909. He wrote numerous and varied books including Andrew Jackson as a Public Man (1882) and Folkways (1906).