中国新疆地区伊斯兰教史，ISBN：9787228040025，作者：《中国新疆地区伊斯兰教史》编写组编著

《调适与冲突:杨增新思想与治新实践研究》内容简介：杨增新（1864-1928年）云南蒙自人，晚清进士，长期为官西北，是统治新疆长达17年之久的最高地方行政长官，也是整个民国时期唯一的进士出身的军阀。在他主政新疆时期，中国正经历着晚清到民国的社会剧变，他坚持弃绝战乱、保境安民的坚定信念，实行具有个性特征的各项治新措施，使得新疆在他统治时期保持了社会的相对稳定。这从统一的多民族国家发展的大局来看，杨增新在这一时期所起到的历史作用会越来越被人们所重视。

《东突的历史与现状》深入分析研究东突问题的深层社会历史原因，归纳、总结、提供借鉴。 “东突”恐怖主义 ,简而言之就是以“东突厥斯坦独立”为旗帜、纲领、行动的恐怖主义。它发端于上个世纪三四十年代 ,在八十年代后半期明显地极端宗教化 ,九十年代以来则恐怖主义化 ,是集民族分裂、宗教极端和暴力恐怖为一体的邪恶势力 ,是以宗教极端和暴力恐怖手段企图将新疆从祖国分裂出去的极端民族主义。

This book provides a detailed study of Sinkiang - China's largest province, and of great strategic importance on the Russian border during the Warlord and Kuomintang Eras. It is written to present an analysis of the internal warlord and Islamic politics of Sinkiang, as well as to take account of 'great power' interests in this region, during a period in which it was essentially a Han Chinese colony in the heart of Central Asia. The study is of relevance not only to the history of twentieth-century China, but also to the politics of Islamic reassertion in Central Asia; to the development of the Soviet Union as an imperial power in the Tsarist Russian mould; to an understanding of the cultural and political aspirations of China's national minorities; and should serve - in a world preoccupied with 'Western' colonialism and imperialism - as a reminder that colonialkin and imperialism was not, and is not, an exclusively European preserve.

《重返和田绿洲》记录了作者再次回到新疆进行考古调查和发掘的情况。

民国时期英国与中国新疆（1912-1949），ISBN：9787228119448，作者：许建英 著

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《民国新疆史》以1911年辛亥革命为开端，至1949年新疆和平解放为止，时间长达38年。按照中国历史发展阶段，1911年到1949年为中华民国史。1949年10月1日，中华人民共和国宣告成立，标志着中华民国历史在大陆的终结，也标志着半殖民地半封建社会历史的结束。新中国成立前夕的9月25、26日，陶峙岳和包尔汉分别代表新疆军政人员通电起义，新疆和平解放，新疆和全国各族人民一道迎来了崭新的社会主义时代。

《近代新疆蒙古历史档案》收录的档案史料均出自于新疆维吾尔自治区档案馆馆藏。其内容主要反映了清末、民国时期新疆蒙古族民众的社会活动。《近代新疆蒙古历史档案》所选的档案史料，按照其反映的内容进行编排、分类，在每类中按时间顺序排列。 《近代新疆蒙古历史档案》中的档案史料均经编者拟制标题，并断句、标点。正文中除统一使用简体汉字外，原文照录。 对档案原文中同一人或事务而称谓不同者，均保持原状，标题中则统一为通用或常用称谓。如档案原文中有“吐尔扈特”、“土尔扈特”两种称谓，在正文中均保持原状，标题中则统一为“土尔扈特”等。 在标题中对各机构一般使用简称，如新疆省政府及所属机构都省去了“新疆”等字样，代以“省政府”、“财政厅”等；旧土尔扈特各部落简称为“南部落”、“北部落”等。标题中的地名沿用当时的名称，如“迪化”、“孚远”等。 《近代新疆蒙古历史档案》中对档案史料的书写格式作了适当调整，如改原文竖排、自右向左书写为横排、自左向右书写，原文中之“如左”，在书中实为在其下方，但“如左”照录。

《中国新疆历史与现状》已被翻译成英、法、德、日、俄、阿拉伯、土耳其及维吾尔、哈萨克等文字，将新疆的历史与现状如实地旱现于世界读者面前。 《中国新疆历史与现状》不是一部通史性著述，而是一部重点阐述与新疆稳定和发展相关的新疆历史与现状的著作。尊重史实，分清是非，立足现实，落笔历史是本书的主旨。

拓和提·莫扎提所著的《中世纪维吾尔历史》以庞特勤所率十五部翻越阿尔泰山，迁移至别失八里城(北庭)、金沙岭一带及中东部天山、裕勒都斯大草原、焉耆绿洲、高昌古城等地，与当地的同族人一起立足复兴、建国称汗等历史事件为主线，对维吾尔汗国的政治、经济、文化的复兴与发展、对丝绸之路的经营与延续等进行考察，以出土维吾尔文献资料等第一手史料为依据，实证分析、研究，科学地阐述天山中东部地区维吾尔历史文化对近现代维吾尔民族历史文化形成中的影响和作用，进一步阐明丰富多彩的维吾尔文化对中华文化的重要贡献。并且，根据出土文献资料以及国际上粟特研究的最新成果，笔者专设两章，对粟特人的历史、语言、宗教、粟特文与维吾尔(回鹘)文的渊源及入华粟特人对中华文化所做出的贡献等方面进行深入探讨，以期望填补这一领域的空白。

清帝國是中國歷史上疆域最遼闊的國家，本書聚焦於十九世紀的嘉峪關，以及嘉峪關西邊更廣袤的新征服之地─「新疆」，這塊土地佔了今日中國國土面積的六分之一。通過考察清政府在新疆實行的財政和民族政策，尤其是對穆斯林人口最多的南疆的商業活動以及不同民族出身的商人所採取的管理和控制，作者試圖回答一個更深遠的問題：清帝國如何向民族國家過渡。這是一本新清史的經典之作，開創了清帝國邊疆研究的先河。

这是一本关于浩罕的历史著作。这个汗国早已覆灭并永远地消逝，但二百多年前它崛起之时，还十分活跃，甚至于一度威名中亚。汗国以其国都浩罕为名，风光秀丽的费尔干纳盆地，是汗国的发源地和核心地带。 提起中亚，一般印象中恐怕更多的是茫茫戈壁和寸草不生的荒漠。但是，如果在高空俯瞰时，却能见到大大小小如宝石般的绿洲镶嵌在这迷茫的大陆腹地，其中锡尔河上游的天山西部山区中的费尔干纳盆地最引人注目。它像一只巨大的椭圆形花篮，为崇山峻岭拥抱。其北面、东北面、西北面是高达一万英尺的恰特卡尔山、费尔干纳山和库拉明山，南面则是更加雄伟巍峨的阿赖山脉……

Eastern Turkestan, now known as Xinjiang or the New Territory, makes up a sixth of China's land mass. Absorbed by the Qing in the 1880s and reconquered by Mao in 1949, this Turkic-Muslim region of China's remote northwest borders on formerly Soviet Central Asia, Afghanistan, Kashmir, Mongolia, and Tibet, Will Xinjiang participate in China's twenty-first century ascendancy, or will nascent Islamic radicalism in Xinjiang expand the orbit of instability in a dangerous part of the world? This comprehensive survey of contemporary Xinjiang is the result of a major collaborative research project begun in 1998. The authors have combined their fieldwork experience, linguistic skills, and disciplinary expertise to assemble the first multifacted introduction to Xinjiang. The volume surveys the region's geography; its history of military and political subjugation to China; economic, social, and commercial conditions; demography, public health, and ecology; and patterns of adaption, resistance, opposiiton, and evolving identities.

For more than half a century many Uyghurs, members of a Muslim minority in northwestern China, have sought to achieve greater autonomy or outright independence. Yet the Chinese government has consistently resisted these efforts, countering with repression and a sophisticated strategy of state-sanctioned propaganda emphasizing interethnic harmony and Chinese nationalism. After decades of struggle, Uyghurs remain passionate about establishing and expanding their power within government, and China's leaders continue to push back, refusing to concede any physical or political ground. Beginning with the history of Xinjiang and its unique population of Chinese Muslims, Gardner Bovingdon follows fifty years of Uyghur discontent, particularly the development of individual and collective acts of resistance since 1949, as well as the role of various transnational organizations in cultivating dissent. Bovingdon's work provides fresh insight into the practices of nation building and nation challenging, not only in relation to Xinjiang but also in reference to other regions of conflict. His work highlights the influence of international institutions on growing regional autonomy and underscores the role of representation in nationalist politics, as well as the local, regional, and global implications of the "war on terror" on antistate movements. While both the Chinese state and foreign analysts have portrayed Uyghur activists as Muslim terrorists, situating them within global terrorist networks, Bovingdon argues that these assumptions are flawed, drawing a clear line between Islamist ideology and Uyghur nationhood.

Xinjiang and the Modern Chinese State views modern Chinese political history from the perspective of Han officials who were tasked with governing Xinjiang. This region, inhabited by Uighurs, Kazaks, Hui, Mongols, Kirghiz, and Tajiks, is also the last significant "colony" of the former Qing empire to remain under continuous Chinese rule throughout the twentieth century. By foregrounding the responses of Chinese and other imperial elites to the growing threat of national determination across Eurasia, Justin Jacobs argues for a reconceptualization of the modern Chinese state as a "national empire." He shows how strategies of difference for administering this region in the late Qing, Republican, and Communist eras were molded by, and shaped in response to, the rival platforms of ethnic difference characterized by Soviet and other geopolitical competitors across Inner and East Asia. This riveting narrative tracks Xinjiang political history through the Bolshevik revolution, the warlord years, Chinese civil war, and the large-scale Han immigration in the People's Republic of China, as well as the efforts of the exiled Xinjiang government in Taiwan after 1949 to claim the loyalties of Xinjiang refugees. JUSTIN M. JACOBS is assistant professor of history at American University in Washington, DC.

The meeting of the Russian and Qing empires in the nineteenth century had dramatic consequences for Central Asia’s Muslim communities. Along this frontier, a new political space emerged, shaped by competing imperial and spiritual loyalties, cross-border economic and social ties, and the revolutions that engulfed Russia and China in the early twentieth century. David Brophy explores how a community of Central Asian Muslims responded to these historic changes by reinventing themselves as the modern Uyghur nation. As exiles and émigrés, traders and seasonal laborers, a diverse diaspora of Muslims from China’s northwest province of Xinjiang spread to Russian territory, where they became enmeshed in political and intellectual currents among Russia’s Muslims. From the many national and transnational discourses of identity that circulated in this mixed community, the rhetoric of Uyghur nationhood emerged as a rallying point in the tumult of the Bolshevik Revolution and Russian Civil War. Working both with and against Soviet policy, a shifting alliance of constituencies invoked the idea of a Uyghur nation to secure a place for itself in Soviet Central Asia and to spread the revolution to Xinjiang. Although its existence was contested in the fractious politics of the 1920s, in the 1930s the Uyghur nation achieved official recognition in the Soviet Union and China. Grounded in a wealth of little-known archives from across Eurasia, Uyghur Nation offers a bottom-up perspective on nation-building in the Soviet Union and China and provides crucial background to the ongoing contest for the history and identity of Xinjiang.