《战后国际关系》(修订版)修改的基本原则是，在保持原作主要章节的基础上作一系列必要的改动，包括：增添国际关系导论一章，讲述研究国际关系的基础理论知识；各章增加近五年来国际关系发展变化的新情况；根据形势变化重点修改有关章节；最后三章各加一个附录，梳理第三世界的热点问题、联合国维和行动、美国列举的世界恐怖主义组织。同时，对某些章节中过时的内容进行酌改。

《永远的摩根索》内容包括摩根索其人、国际政治学之父、摩根索权利理论解读、摩根索与对话者等五章。

本书在理性选择制度主义的路径下集中关注国际制度与国家自主性之间的因果关系。基于理性选择的路径，该书把国家看作是理性的行为体。也就是说，国家行为体会在不同的约束条件下进行制度选择以使其目标实现的可能性最大化。全书分为八章。第一到四章为理论部分；第五到八章为经验研究部分，包括四个案例研究。其中，第五章结合国际法律化的文献分析WTO与美国贸易政治的转型。

1942年美国人尼古拉斯·约翰·斯皮克曼(Nicholas John Spykma)提出的“边缘地带理论”(Rimland theory) 则是众多新理论中比较突出的一种。《边缘地带论》包括：谁（以武力或是和平方式）统一或整合了欧亚大陆东西两端的边缘地带，谁就掌握了世界最有潜质的地区；谁掌握了世界最具潜质的地区，谁就能成为欧亚大陆上的世界强国；谁成为欧亚大陆上的世界强国，谁就会成为美国世界超强的有力挑战者。

《造就未来领袖:模拟联合国外交策略与技巧》同时介绍了参加“模拟联合国”活动的必备知识，如联合国宪章及主要决议的介绍、联合国特殊委员会的说明等。“模拟联合国”与联合国诞生于同一时代，经过六十余年的发展，已经成为风靡全球的青少年教育形式之一，成为国际青少年交流的重要平台。 “模拟联合国”活动由参与者扮演不同国家的外交官，按照联合国会议的规则流程讨论国际热点问题。青少年学生通过对世界前沿热点问题的研究、辩论及商讨解决方案，能够增进研究能力，开拓学习潜能，加深对世界的认识，结交来自世界各地的伙伴，为成长为”未来领袖”奠定坚实的基础。 《造就未来领袖:模拟联合国外交策略与技巧》系统介绍了“模拟联合国”活动的基本知识与训练策略，包括”模拟联合国”的起源和基本概念，参与活动需要进行的学术准备， ”模拟联合国”会议中的具体程序、规则和技巧等方面的知识，对会议准备、会场发挥等环节提供了具体、可操作的建议。 《造就未来领袖:模拟联合国外交策略与技巧》适于准备参与“模拟联合国”活动的师生阅读和参考。

《西方国际政治学:历史与理论》是当代国际政治丛书之一。

《当代俄罗斯国际关系学》俄文版的目的在于审视俄罗斯国际关系学的发展现状，评估其在世界国际关系学中的地位，并展望其未来发展方向。基于在世界国际关系学中形成的对国际关系理论结论的一股性分析，基于当前在俄罗斯最为普遍的国际关系研究方向，主编者设计了《当代俄罗斯国际关系学》的篇章结构并邀请俄罗斯的一些著名国际问题专家就俄罗斯现实主义的特点、国际关系分析中马克思主义方法的现状、安全问题研究、国际谈判、民族冲突等一系列问题发表自己的意见。 《当代俄罗斯国际关系学》中译本向我们全面展示了当代俄罗斯国际关系研究的趋势和问题，对中国国际关系学术研究的发展而言，可以起借鉴与参照作用。

Since its initial publication nearly fifteen years ago The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order has become a classic work of international relations and one of the most influential books ever written about foreign affairs. An insightful and powerful analysis of the forces driving global politics, it is as indispensable to our understanding of American foreign policy today as the day it was published. As former National Security Adviser Zbigniew Brzezinski says in his new foreword to the book, it “has earned a place on the shelf of only about a dozen or so truly enduring works that provide the quintessential insights necessary for a broad understanding of world affairs in our time.” Samuel Huntington explains how clashes between civilizations are the greatest threat to world peace but also how an international order based on civilizations is the best safeguard against war. Events since the publication of the book have proved the wisdom of that analysis. The 9/11 attacks and wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have demonstrated the threat of civilizations but have also shown how vital international cross-civilization cooperation is to restoring peace. As ideological distinctions among nations have been replaced by cultural differences, world politics has been reconfigured. Across the globe, new conflicts—and new cooperation—have replaced the old order of the Cold War era. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order explains how the population explosion in Muslim countries and the economic rise of East Asia are changing global politics. These developments challenge Western dominance, promote opposition to supposedly “universal” Western ideals, and intensify intercivilization conflict over such issues as nuclear proliferation, immigration, human rights, and democracy. The Muslim population surge has led to many small wars throughout Eurasia, and the rise of China could lead to a global war of civilizations. Huntington offers a strategy for the West to preserve its unique culture and emphasizes the need for people everywhere to learn to coexist in a complex, multipolar, muliticivilizational world.

For more than two decades, John J. Mearsheimer has been regarded as one of the foremost realist thinkers on foreign policy. Clear and incisive as well as a fearlessly honest analyst, his coauthored 2007 New York Times bestseller, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy, aroused a firestorm with its unflinching look at the making of America's Middle East policy. Now he takes a look at another controversial but understudied aspect of international relations: lying. In Why Leaders Lie, Mearsheimer provides the first systematic analysis of lying as a tool of statecraft, identifying the varieties, the reasons, and the potential costs and benefits. Drawing on a wealth of examples, he argues that leaders often lie for good strategic reasons, so a blanket condemnation is unrealistic and unwise. Yet there are other kinds of deception besides lying, including concealment and spinning. Perhaps no distinction is more important than that between lying to another state and lying to one's own people. Mearsheimer was amazed to discover how unusual interstate lying has been; given the atmosphere of distrust among the great powers, he found that outright deceit is difficult to pull off and thus rarely worth the effort. Moreover, it sometimes backfires when it does occur. Khrushchev lied about the size of the Soviet missile force, sparking an American build-up. Eisenhower was caught lying about U-2 spy flights in 1960, which scuttled an upcoming summit with Krushchev. Leaders are more likely to mislead their own publics than other states, sometimes with damaging consequences. Though the reasons may be noble--Franklin Roosevelt, for example, lied to the American people about German U-boats attacking the destroyer USS Greer in 1940, to build a case for war against Hitler-they can easily lead to disaster, as with the Bush administration's falsehoods about Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. There has never been a sharp analysis of international lying. Now a leading expert provides a richly informed and powerfully argued work that will change our understanding of why leaders lie.

随着中国不断融入世界体系，中国学术界迫切需要更多的既能反映国际学术界前沿动态，又能体现“中国视角”的国际政治经济学著作和教材。 本书主要有如下四个特点： 第一，构建一个相对完整的知识框架。本书基于定义与研究议题、要素流动与单位层次、规范分析与实证分析以及国际体系与中国经验四种关联性，力图为学生们提供一个相对完整的国际政治经济学知识框架。 第二，追踪国际学术界前沿动态。根据国际政治经济学的研究议题和分析方法，作者将过去40年从事国际政治经济学研究的学者们分为“两代”，系统总结了 20世纪70—80年代“第一代”学者提出的五大理论（相互依存论、霸权稳定论、国家主义理论、依附论和世界体系论），分析了20世纪90年代以来“第二代”学者在核心概念和分析方法上变革的总体趋向。 第三，分析全球政治经济的结构与动力。本书从世界体系与国家兴衰的关系入手，对促使全球政治经济延续 500年的结构和动力进行了总结，并对其在当代的主要表现形式（国际货币、国际贸易、跨国投资、发展与转型以及地区主义）进行了具体的分析。 第四，体现 “中国视角”。国际政治经济学虽然起源于美国和欧洲学术界，但这并不意味着美国和欧洲国家之外的学者只能是知识的消费者。在作者看来，中国学者要成为知识的生产者也许有许多路径，但立足于中国的现实经验，特别是中国过去30年融入世界经济的成功经验进行研究，是成为国际政治经济学领域知识生产者的一个重要途径。

在本书中，布尔探讨了三个主要问题：世界政治秩序的本质是什么？在当代国家体系中，秩序如何得以维持？通往世界秩序的何种替代道路是可行的和适当的？与许多肤浅的观点相反，他认为主权国家体系没有衰落，它并不是世界秩序的障碍，而是其重要的基石。 本书第一部分试图界定秩序，以说明世界政治中并不存在着秩序，探讨了世界政治中秩序与正义的关系。第二部分说明了秩序在当代国家体系中是如何通过均势、国际法、外交、战争和大国的特殊地位等国际社会的制度得以维持的。第三部分分析了世界政治组织的替代形式。

Drawing upon philosophy and social theory, Social Theory of International Politics develops a theory of the international system as a social construction. Alexander Wendt clarifies the central claims of the constructivist approach, presenting a structural and idealist worldview which contrasts with the individualism and materialism which underpins much mainstream international relations theory. He builds a cultural theory of international politics, which takes whether states view each other as enemies, rivals or friends as a fundamental determinant. Wendt characterises these roles as 'cultures of anarchy', described as Hobbesian, Lockean and Kantian respectively. These cultures are shared ideas which help shape state interests and capabilities, and generate tendencies in the international system. The book describes four factors which can drive structural change from one culture to another - interdependence, common fate, homogenization, and self-restraint - and examines the effects of capitalism and democracy in the emergence of a Kantian culture in the West.

The strategic-choice approach has a long pedigree in international relations. In an area often rent by competing methodologies, editors David A. Lake and Robert Powell take the best of accepted and contested knowledge among many theories. With the contributors to this volume, they offer a unifying perspective, which begins with a simple insight: students of international relations want to explain the choices actors make - whether these actors be states, parties, ethnic groups, companies, leaders, or individuals. This synthesis offers three new benefits: first, the strategic interaction of actors is the unit of analysis, rather than particular states or policies; second, these interactions are now usefully organized into analytic schemes, on which conceptual experiments may be based; and, third, a set of methodological 'bets' is then made about the most productive ways to analyze the interactions. Together, these elements allow the pragmatic application of theories that may apply to a myriad of particular cases, such as individuals protesting environmental degradation, governments seeking to control nuclear weapons, or the United Nations attempting to mobilize member states for international peacekeeping. Besides the editors, the six contributors to this book, all distinguished scholars of international relations, are Jeffry A. Frieden, James D. Morrow, Ronald Rogowski, Peter Gourevitch, Miles Kahler, and Arthur A. Stein. Their work is an invaluable introduction for scholars and students of international relations, economists, and government decision-makers.

America is perceived as not having a foreign policy tradition, contends Mead (Mortal Splendor: The American Empire in Transition), a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. In fact, Mead contends, there are actually four contrasting schools of foreign policy: a "Hamiltonian" concern with U.S. economic well-being at home and abroad; a "Wilsonian" impulse to promulgate U.S. values throughout the world; a "Jeffersonian" focus on protecting American democracy in a perilous world; and a bellicose, populist "Jacksonian" commitment to preserving U.S. interests and honor in the world. As Mead's detailed historical analysis of the origin and development of these schools shows, each has its strengths and faults if Wilsonians are too idealistic, Jacksonians are too suspicious of the world but each keeps the other in check, assuring no single school will dominate and that a basic consensus among them will be achieved, as was the case during the Cold War. As the Cold War ended, however, and the world became more complex, consensus ended. Hamiltonians and Wilsonians saw the opportunity to mold the economy and morality of the world in the U.S. image, but Jeffersonian doubt about foreign action in places like Bosnia, and Jacksonian popular suspicions of organizations like the WTO soon challenged such grandiose plans. Mead worries that U.S. foreign policy is too unfocused today and suggests we could learn much from the interactions in the past of the four schools, a complex history he ably unfolds. 8 pages of photos not seen by PW. (Nov. 8) Forecast: With foreign policy at the forefront after September 11, this could help shape discussions of U.S. response; expect serious interest.

Offense-defense theory argues that the relative ease of offense and defense varies in international politics. When the offense has the advantage, military conquest becomes easier and war is more likely; the opposite is true when the defense has the advantage. The balance between offense and defense depends on geography, technology, and other factors. This theory, and the body of related theories, has generated much debate and research over the past twenty-five years.This book presents a comprehensive overview of offense-defense theory. It includes contending views on the theory and some of the most recent attempts to refine and test it.

Why have states throughout history regularly underestimated dangers to their survival? Why have some states been able to mobilize their material resources effectively to balance against threats, while others have not been able to do so? The phenomenon of "underbalancing" is a common but woefully underexamined behavior in international politics. Underbalancing occurs when states fail to recognize dangerous threats, choose not to react to them, or respond in paltry and imprudent ways. It is a response that directly contradicts the core prediction of structural realism's balance-of-power theory--that states motivated to survive as autonomous entities are coherent actors that, when confronted by dangerous threats, act to restore the disrupted balance by creating alliances or increasing their military capabilities, or, in some cases, a combination of both.

Consistent with the new wave of neoclassical realist research, Unanswered Threats offers a theory of underbalancing based on four domestic-level variables--elite consensus, elite cohesion, social cohesion, and regime/government vulnerability--that channel, mediate, and redirect policy responses to external pressures and incentives. The theory yields five causal schemes for underbalancing behavior, which are tested against the cases of interwar Britain and France, France from 1877 to 1913, and the War of the Triple Alliance (1864-1870) that pitted tiny Paraguay against Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay.

Randall Schweller concludes that those most likely to underbalance are incoherent, fragmented states whose elites are constrained by political considerations.

不断增强的一体化和世界市场的扩展所带来的相互依存和全球化的趋势为国际合作提供了更多的机会，同时也增加了冲突的可能性。利益集团、各国决策者和学术界对全球化这一现象褒贬不一。对一些人来说，它使人受益，因为它带来了空前的繁荣与和平；而对另一些人来说，它又成为资本主义剥削的动力并且造成了一系列的麻烦，比如某一地区严重的经济危机会把另一地区的国家拖垮。这些发展是否足以能够解决金融和股市动荡、债务危机、地区性贫困、日益增长的贸易争端及保护主义问题，仍需我们拭目以待。很明显，这些问题为学者提供了丰富的研究议题，也为我们审视诸如跨国公司、发展政策、不平等与依附的现状以及非正规经济这些直接或间接地影响着世界各地数以百万人生存的全球经济问题提供了崭新的视角。 这是一本国际政治经济学的经典教材。本书介绍了从17世纪中叶开始的国际政治经济体系的演变与主要特征，以及当前引起争论的问题。此外，本书介绍的相关理论均结合以实例或分析，同时还配有大量的专栏、图表以及注释加以说明。在每一章的结尾部分对该章的主要内容进行了小结，同时还针对书中 的主要内容列出了相关的讨论题目，以便于课堂讨论和批判性的思考。

本书展示了有关国际制度研究的一系列影响深远的理论方法。本书由四部分组成，每一部分编者都作了详尽的介绍。第一部分涵盖了当前的理论研究。第二部分主要是经验研究、涉及国际组织、国际环境问题、欧洲法院和国际贸易。第三部分聚焦于遵约辩论。第四部分收录了理论研究和经验研究的评论文章。

在政治经济学领域中——关于政治冲突中到底是阶级冲突，还是行业集团竞争起主导作用的辩论由来已久。对此，本书提出了一个令人信服的新观点。本书概括了在何种情况下，哪种政治冲突会比另一种政治冲突更有可能出现——这比目前为止这一领域的所有研究都要更加深入和进步。迈克尔·希斯考克斯关注到了一个影响到人们对自由贸易态度的关键性因素——要素流动程度，或者说生产要素（土地、劳动或资本）的所有者在行业间转移要素的能力。他指出，在贸易冲突中到底会形成什么形式的政治联盟，很大程度上取决于要素在行业间流动的程度。希斯考克斯证明了——当要素流动程度高的时候，阶级联盟更容易出现；而当要素流动程度低的时候，狭隘的以行业为基础的联盟则会成为主流。 本书还以近两个世纪以来六个西方国家贸易政治历史的系统性证据作为理论的支持，并将案例研究和定量分析相结合，开辟了研究的新天地。本书针对贸易政策的影响力量得出了全新的结论——这些结论对我们研究全球贸易体系——特别是美国贸易政策的可能演化方向提供了深刻的启示。《国际贸易与政治冲突》一书是对学术界的一个巨大贡献，所有有兴趣了解和预测贸易政策发展方向的人们都应该读一读。

《国际政治理论》一书从国际体系出发，在分离和还原的工作基础上，建构了国际政治的系统——结构研究框架，从而提出了华尔兹著名的“结构现实主义”理论。在这一理论中，通过精简和细致严谨的推演，华尔兹为我们呈现了国际社会中各行为体的位置以及互动关系。并且指出各行为体的活动是由国际结构所呈现的压力所决定的。本书是当代国际政治领域影响最大的一部著作之一，也是引用频率最高的著作之一，已成为国际政治领域的经典著作。