Xi Chen explores the dramatic rise in social protests in China since the early 1990s. Drawing on case studies, interviews, and government records of collective petitions, this book examines how the political structure in Reform China has encouraged Chinese farmers, workers, pensioners, disabled people, and demobilized soldiers to claim their rights by staging collective protests. Challenging the conventional wisdom that authoritarian regimes always repress popular collective protest, Chen suggests that routine contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people has actually contributed to the regime's resilience. "Xi Chen's impressive study represents the best of recent scholarship on China: conceptually innovative, empirically rich, and historically grounded. His state-centered model of 'contentious authoritarianism' sheds new light on the surge of social protest in China in recent years and, equally importantly, on why social protest does not necessarily threaten the stability of the current regime." - Bruce Dickson, George Washington University "This book highlights why China defies labeling. National leaders shun meaningful democratic reform but seem to believe that 'facilitating' and even 'routinizing' social protest help maintain stability. Infuriated folks increasingly turn to 'trouble-making' against foot-dragging local authorities but generally avoid outright confrontation. Caught in cross-cutting pressures from above and below, local government officials grudgingly accommodate popular claims to 'lawful rights and interests' even though they dispute the 'lawfulness' of such claims. Complexities like these call for innovative conceptualizations like 'contentious authoritarianism.'" - Lianjiang Li, Chinese University of Hong Kong "Xi Chen offers an illuminating analysis of one of the most intriguing features of contemporary Chinese politics: regime stability in the face of rising social protest. Through an original study of collective petitioning, Chen underscores the central role of the Chinese state in channeling and containing rampant popular unrest. The resulting 'contentious authoritarianism,' as he characterizes this unusual system, presents a challenge both to social science theories of contentious politics and to conventional assumptions about authoritarian regimes." - Elizabeth J. Perry, Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University "Drawing on unusual access to provincial data on collective petitions and deep engagement with the specialized literature on Chinese politics and disciplinary theories about contentious politics, Xi Chen shows how localized collective protests have been woven into the structure of government authority in China. Chen's effort to unravel this paradox and spell out its implications for both China and political sociology will become a benchmark in our understanding of China's rapidly evolving society and polity." - Andrew Walder, Stanford University

Kay Ann Johnson provides much-needed information about women and gender equality under Communist leadership. She contends that, although the Chinese Communist Party has always ostensibly favored women's rights and family reform, it has rarely pushed for such reforms. In reality, its policies often have reinforced the traditional role of women to further the Party's predominant economic and military aims. Johnson's primary focus is on reforms of marriage and family because traditional marriage, family, and kinship practices have had the greatest influence in defining and shaping women's place in Chinese society. Conversant with current theory in political science, anthropology, and Marxist and feminist analysis, Johnson writes with clarity and discernment free of dogma. Her discussions of family reform ultimately provide insights into the Chinese government's concern with decreasing the national birth rate, which has become a top priority. Johnson's predictions of a coming crisis in population control are borne out by the recent increase in female infanticide and the government abortion campaign.

Do our ideas about social movements travel successfully beyond the democratic West? Unrest in China, from the dramatic events of 1989 to more recent stirrings, offers a rare opportunity to explore this question and to consider how popular contention unfolds in places where speech and assembly are tightly controlled. The contributors to this volume, all prominent scholars of Chinese politics and society, argue that ideas inspired by social movements elsewhere can help explain popular protest in China. Drawing on fieldwork in China, the authors consider topics as varied as student movements, protests by angry workers and taxi drivers, recruitment to Protestant house churches, cyberprotests, and anti-dam campaigns. Their work relies on familiar concepts—such as political opportunity, framing, and mobilizing structures—while interrogating the usefulness of these concepts in a country with a vastly different history of class and state formation than the capitalist West. The volume also speaks to “silences” in the study of contentious politics (for example, protest leadership, the role of grievances, and unconventional forms of organization), and shows that well-known concepts must at times be modified to square with the reality of an authoritarian, non-western state.

改革的成败，不止取决于改革的决心，更在于改革如何跨越障碍，如何落实具体决议和措施。 既得利益群体对新一轮改革的阻碍如何克服，什么样的利益逻辑才会生效？改革的新一轮动力应从何处寻找？制度创新能够带来什么样的红利，为什么又困难重重？面对美国和亚洲其他国家的威胁，中国在政治、经济和外交上，又该如何决策？…… 著名中国问题专家郑永年教授，以其一贯客观立场、犀利观点、尖锐表述，针对中国改革中存在的每一个具体问题，都给出了细致详尽的客观分析和各种可行的解决之道。 他认为，过去30多年的改革是更深层次、更全面的改革的铺垫，我们现在真正进入了改革的攻坚期，应该注意改革因动力不足而陷入僵局的潜在问题。在改革困难重重的情况下，作者主张通过开放新的空间来改革旧的体制，通过培植新的利益来克服既得利益，通过释放社会和地方的潜力来化解官僚体制的惰性，通过保护社会来促进社会转型。他一面热情洋溢地用英文向世界介绍中国，让世界了解中国；一面用中文尖锐地指出问题，坦陈建议。

Exploring how the character of city life changed after political-economic restructuring intensified in 1984, this study reveals how the change affected the creation of new physical, economic and cultural space in urban China. It draws on personal insights as well as a broad range of disciplines.

据上海商务印书馆股份有限公司1924年版译出

Chinese society has seen phenomenal change in the last 30 years. Two of the most profound changes have been the rise of the individual in both public and private spheres and the consequent individualisation of Chinese society itself. Yet, despite China's recent dramatic entrance into global politics and economics, neither of these significant shifts has been fully analysed. China presents an alternative model of social transformation in the age of globalisation; therefore, its path to development may have particular implications for the developing world. The Individualization of Chinese Society reveals how individual agency has been on the rise since the 1970s and how this has affected everyday life and Chinese society more broadly. The book presents a wide range of detailed case studies focusing on the impact of economic policy, patterns of kinship, changes in marriage relations and the socio-economic position of women, the development of youth culture, the politics of consumerism, and shifting power relations in everyday life. Exploring the rise of the individual in both rural and urban settings, The Individualization of Chinese Society provides a detailed overview of this major social phenomenon and its wider implications. About the Author/Editor

本书是美国著名人类学家武雅士等有关中国社会宗教与仪式主题的论文集。作者在实地调查基础上，对华南民间信仰做了具体而细致的研究，构建了汉族民间“神灵”的人类学解释模式，总结了汉民族的民间信仰的三种模式：官僚模式、个人模式、异端模式。所收论文16篇，如“一个台湾城镇历史中的宗教组织”、“香港的乡庙”、“台湾的建筑与超自然”、“广东的萨满信仰”、“道教仪式中的正统与异端”、“祖先崇拜和丧葬实践”、“神、鬼和祖先”等等。所论主题包括台湾、香港等地区的民间宗教信仰以及各种仪式，如道教、萨满教、祖先崇拜、鬼神信仰、丧葬仪式等等，分析潜藏在这些信仰和仪式背后的深层的社会、文化因素，揭示中国传统文化与当代社会的碰撞与交融。

Through window displays, newspapers, soap operas, gay bars, and other public culture venues, Chinese citizens are negotiating what it means to be cosmopolitan citizens of the world, with appropriate needs, aspirations, and longings. Lisa Rofel argues that the creation of such “desiring subjects” is at the core of China’s contingent, piece-by-piece reconfiguration of its relationship to a post-socialist world. In a study at once ethnographic, historical, and theoretical, she contends that neoliberal subjectivities are created through the production of various desires—material, sexual, and affective—and that it is largely through their engagements with public culture that people in China are imagining and practicing appropriate desires for the post-Mao era.Drawing on her research over the past two decades among urban residents and rural migrants in Hangzhou and Beijing, Rofel analyzes the meanings that individuals attach to various public cultural phenomena and what their interpretations say about their understandings of post-socialist China and their roles within it. She locates the first broad-based public debate about post-Mao social changes in the passionate dialogues about the popular 1991 television soap opera Yearnings. She describes how the emergence of gay identities and practices in China reveals connections to a transnational network of lesbians and gay men at the same time that it brings urban/rural and class divisions to the fore. The 1999–2001 negotiations over China’s entry into the World Trade Organization; a controversial women’s museum; the ways that young single women portray their longings in relation to the privations they imagine their mothers experienced; adjudications of the limits of self-interest in court cases related to homoerotic desire, intellectual property, and consumer fraud—Rofel reveals all of these as sites where desiring subjects come into being.

Is popular anger about rising inequality propelling China toward a "social volcano" of protest activity and instability that could challenge Chinese Communist Party rule? Many inside and outside of China have speculated, without evidence, that the answer is yes. In 2004, Harvard sociologist Martin King Whyte has undertaken the first systematic, nationwide survey of ordinary Chinese citizens to ask them directly how they feel about inequalities that have resulted since China's market opening in 1978. His findings are the subject of this book.

How can the poor and weak “work”a political system to their advantage? Drawing mainly on interviews and surveys in rural China, Kevin O’Brien and Lianjiang Li show that popular action often hinges on locating and exploiting divisions within the state. Otherwise powerless people use the rhetoric and commitments of the central government to try to fight misconduct by local officials, open up clogged channels of participation, and push back the frontiers of the permissible. This “rightful resistance” has far-reaching implications for our understanding of contentious politics. As O’Brien and Li explore the origins, dynamics, and consequences of rightful resistance, they highlight similarities between collective action in places as varied as China, the former East Germany, and the United States, while suggesting how Chinese experiences speak to issues such as opportunities to protest, claims radicalization, tactical innovation, and the outcomes of contention. Although the focus of their rich, ground-level analysis is contemporary China, the authors make a compelling argument that wherever a gap between rights promised and rights delivered exists, there is room for rightful resistance to emerge.

本书通过详细描述并分析调查数据和田野访谈资料，剖析影响迁移决策的主导力量，同时也探讨迁移构成和空间分布模式的改变、户籍制度及其演变、男女迁移人口的差异、性别关系和权力分层、循环流动、迁移人口在城市的经历等。

本書的主要目的，是探討和釐清近年來被海內外眾多學術界、政策界、工商界、傳媒界、乃至外交界人士普遍關注的一組相互交織的問題—--是不是存在著一個所謂的“中國模式＂？如果要改變中國的發展模式，哪一些過去被忽視乃至被壓抑的目標必須提升到優先的層次？ 本書不是純學術的討論，而是公共政策層次的探討和相關思路之理順。本書的目標讀者群，只需要大專院校本科畢業生的教育水準即可，不論他們是在中國內地的政策研究和宏觀規劃部門、政府管理部門裡工作的幹部，還是海內外華人世界高等院校和社會科學院所、工商企業、法律財務仲介機構、嚴肅媒體、主要NGO裡的專業人員和學生。

《华南的乡村生活:广东凤凰村的家族主义社会学研究》全方位地描述了一个乡村村落，记录和分析了凤凰村的人口、经济、政治、教育、婚姻和家庭、宗教信仰和社会控制等，并对凤凰村进行了体质人类学的调查，是广东最早的体质人类学的纪录之一。葛学溥自创了核心概念“家族主义”（Familism），他认为“家族主义”是一种社会制度，所有的行为、标准、思想、观念都产生或围绕着基于血缘聚居团体利益的社会制度。家族是所有价值判断的基础和标准。村落所有的其他制度，包括政治制度、社会控制、宗教信仰、亲属制度都是围绕家族主义这一核心。