This book examines the fundamental issue of how citizens get government officials to provide them with the roads, schools, and other public services they need by studying communities in rural China. In authoritarian and transitional systems, formal institutions for holding government officials accountable are often weak. The answer, Lily L. Tsai found, lies in a community's social institutions. Even when formal democratic and bureaucratic institutions of accountability are weak, government officials can still be subject to informal rules and norms created by community solidary groups that have earned high moral standing in the community.

Populist Authoritarianism as an original theoretical framework in understanding authoritarian regimes in general and the dynamics of Chinese politics in particular. The range of public opinion surveys used in the book is unprecedented. Few researchers possess the historical and scientific evidence that allow them to compare change of public opinion A balanced and nuanced discussion about one of the most popular governments in the world that feels paranoid in a political environment that does not provide institutional guarantee for regime stability

本书以宋应星的《天工开物》等著作为切入点，通过发掘和探究这些文本内容的知识脉络，重新审视中国科学思想的发展史，揭示文人以书面文字记录工艺技术的目的所在，这一做法在中国知识传统中的角色及其影响。书中条分缕析地展开了宋应星私人生活和文化生活的不同层面，逐一勾勒了那些促其将实践知识转化为书面知识的诸多因素，阐发十七世纪中国学者们在探究自然和文化时求理、求真、求信的方式和方法。 全书提供了中国千年学术历史的概观，阐释了技术和工艺在中国文化中担当的角色。在作者看来，技术与工艺知识是中国古老文明史中一个组成部分，它曾经对工业革命时代欧洲的技术发展发挥了不可小觑的影响。

Nominally the highest decision-making body in the Chinese Communist Party, the Party Congress is responsible for determining party policy and the selection of China's leaders. Guoguang Wu provides the first analysis of how the Party Congress operates to elect Party leadership and decide Party policy, and explores why such a formal performance of congress meetings, delegate discussions, and non-democratic elections is significant for authoritarian politics more broadly. Taking institutional inconsistency as the central research question, this study presents a new theory of 'mutual contextualization' to reveal how informal politics and formal institutions interact with each other. Wu argues that despite the prevalence of informal politics behind the scenes, authoritarian politics seeks legitimization through a combination of political manipulation and the ritual mobilization of formal institutions. This ambitious book is essential reading for all those interested in understanding contemporary China, and an innovative theoretical contribution to the study of comparative politics.

Paul R. Katz has composed a fascinating account of the fate of Chinese religions during the modern era by assessing mutations of communal religious life, innovative forms of religious publishing, and the religious practices of modern Chinese elites traditionally considered models of secular modernity. The author offers a rare look at the monumental changes that have affected modern Chinese religions, from the first all-out assault on them during the 1898 reforms to the eve of the Communist takeover of the mainland. Tracing the ways in which the vast religious resources (texts, expertise, symbolic capital, material wealth, etc.) that circulated throughout Chinese society during the late imperial period were reconfigured during this later era, Katz sheds new light on modern Chinese religious life and the understudied nexus between religion and modern political culture. Religion in China and Its Modern Fate will appeal to a broad audience of religionists and historians of modern China.

选举民主制是判断中国政治进步的标准吗？一人一票的选举民主为何很难遴选出优秀的领导者？中国的尚贤制能够给西方社会带来哪些启示？政治尚贤制怎样与民主制有机地结合起来？这是一部系统阐释政治尚贤制这一中国政治模式的开山之作，同时也是一部深入探索西方民主制之外的政治治理模式的著作。 在本书中，全球著名政治学者贝淡宁认为，中国选贤任能的政治尚贤制有着深远的历史渊源，影响了过去几十年的社会变革，也比较适合面临复杂政治、社会和经济问题的大国。民意调查也表明，政治尚贤制获得了充分的民众支持。因此，政治尚贤制在中国是选举民主制的一种替代选择。 长久以来，学界、政界和舆论界一直以民主制的视角研判中国的政治治理制度，认为只有以一人一票为基础的选举制度是好的，其他一切政治体制都是专制统治。然而在当前诸多实行选举制的国家中，财富和资本集团的利益都掌控着不成比例的权力，美国的大选甚至被称为“一美元一票”，而非一人一票。贝淡宁认为，中国的政治尚贤制不仅能选拔出能力超群的领导者，而且如此选拔出的领导者更具长远眼光和全局意识，能够做出更加具有说服力的政治决断。政治尚贤制比西方的民主制更适合像中国这样的大国，它能够有效规避民主选举制的主要缺陷。 贝淡宁还试图用政治尚贤制的理想来比照中国的现实，认为中国要真正实现在道德上可取、政治上稳定的尚贤制度，还有很长的一段路要走。本书最后谏言，只有真正做到“上层尚贤，中间实验和基层民主”，中国模式的贤能政治才能成为21世纪备受全球瞩目的政治发展模式。 编辑推荐 《贤能政治：为什么尚贤制比选举民主制更适合中国》荣获“《金融时报》2015年年度图书”和“《卫报》2015年年度zui佳假日图书”。全球著名政治学者首次探讨中西方政治模式的集大成之作。该书获得弗兰西斯•福山、郑永年、约瑟夫•奈、余永定、潘维、阎学通、张维为等数十位中外专家联名推荐。英文原版出版后随即得到广泛关注和推荐，是将有可能为中西方政府官员选拔制度提供参考的权威之作。 名人推荐 中国是否创立了真正新颖的治理模式？这个模式运行效果如何？这些都是关键的问题。贝淡宁对中国模式的评估在许多读者看来是积极的、乐观的，评价之高令人吃惊。不过，论证过程谨慎扎实，值得任何一位研究当今中国的读者认真阅读和思考。 詹姆斯•法洛斯（James Fallows） 《中国空降兵》的作者 对许多西方读者来说，贝淡宁的书很难让人消化，因为它质疑“根本真理”。对中国读者来说，贝淡宁的书使其相信至少有些西方人理解他们。多个世纪以来，中国人最看重的就是其考试制度，因为它既能选拔贤能又比较客观。这种对个人成就的关注总是与为共同体服务的道德义务结合起来。《贤能政治》解释了这种双重性如何在当代中国继续运行。 杨荣文 新加坡前任外交部部长 在西方国家，连对一人一票原则的质疑都可能招来诅咒，但贝淡宁恰恰这样做了。他根据儒家的精神，强烈支持贤能政治，认为民主选举不能解决我们最紧迫的问题。我们可以从这本极具挑衅性的书中学到很多东西。 马蒂亚斯•里斯（Mattias Risse） 哈佛大学教授 很少有像这本书这样分析如此透彻、话题如此及时、思考与当今现实如此相关的著作。贝淡宁将其在西方接受的学术智慧训练和在中国的教学和研究经验结合起来，解释了中国独特的政治尚贤制的发展。任何一位对中国感兴趣和关心西方民主发展的人都应该阅读一下这本让人大开眼界的著作。 郑永年 新加坡国立大学东亚研究所所长 《贤能政治》一书非常及时，独创性强而且十分重要。基于作者对当今政治理论的精炼把握和对中国不断变化的政治制度的多种特征的深刻认识，这本书将成为学习政治的学生、汉学家和所有对中国崛起感兴趣的人争相阅读的畅销书。 尤锐 （Yuri Pines） 《永远的帝国》的作者 媒体推荐 贝淡宁用通俗流畅的文笔提出了一个挑战传统思想的问题—民主还是尚贤。他利用其在当代中国的教学和生活经验带领读者回顾和思考政治哲学中一些最根本的问题。我发现贝淡宁提出的问题发人深省，引人入胜。 吉迪恩•拉赫曼（Gideon Rachman） 《金融时报》 贝淡宁写了一本引人入胜的著作。思想开放的读者会发现这本书对中国政治有充满智慧的了解，同样宝贵的是它会迫使读者反思自己对民主的忠诚。《贤能政治》不仅仅是为了那些想要更好地了解中国的人写的。它让我重新思考西方治理体系有哪些优势和劣势。这是一本可读性很强的书，让人获益良多。 克莱夫•克鲁克（Clive Crook） 彭博新闻社 贝淡宁以令人信服的论据非常有意义地论述了，为什么外部世界应该更加深刻地思考中国在治理国家方面的实践。这本书的文笔清晰、流畅、可读性强。 克里•布朗（Kerry Brown） 《亚洲书评》

Has China become just another capitalist country in a socialist cloak? Will the Chinese Communist Party's rule survive the next ten years of modernization and globalization? Frank Pieke investigates these conundrums in this fascinating account of how government officials are trained for placement in the Chinese Communist Party. Through in-depth interviews with staff members and aspiring trainees, he shows that while the Chinese Communist Party has undergone a radical transformation since the revolutionary years under Mao, it is still incumbent upon cadres, who are selected through a highly rigorous process, to be ideologically and politically committed to the party. It is the lessons learnt through their teachers that shape the political and economic decisions they will make in power. The book offers unique insights into the structure and the ideological culture of the Chinese government, and how it has reinvented itself over the last three decades as a neo-socialist state.

日本问题对中国政治发展的影响是本书的主题。“九一八事变”后，蒋介石奉行”攘外必先安内”的政策。这种政策在“西安事变”中并没有中断，直到1 937年8月在上海爆发战争，它才被完全放弃。作者在民族国家建设的分析框架下，用国民党、共产党叙事之外的“第三只眼睛”审视国民党政权建设与民族主义意识形态之间的一致与冲突，有助于我们加深对“南京十年建国时期”（1927～1937）的认识。

序 中国法文化的考察－－以诉讼的形态为素材 清代诉讼制度之民事法源的概括性考察－－情、理、法 清代诉讼制度之民事法源的考察－－作为法源的习惯 关于滋贺秀三教授论文的解说 日本的清代司法制度研究与对“法”的理解 明清时期法秩序中的“约”的性质权利与冤抑－－清代听讼和民从的民事法秩序 关于寺田浩明教授论文的解说 明清契约文书 伦理经济论与中国社会研究 “市民社会论”与中国 关于岸本美绪教授论文的解说 明清时代的讼师与诉讼制度 关于夫马进教授论文的解说 评论 跋

China's bold program of reforms launched in the late 1970s--the move to a market economy and the opening to the outside world--ended the political chaos and economic stagnation of the Cultural Revolution and sparked China's unprecedented economic boom. Yet, while the reforms made possible a rising standard of living for the majority of China's population, they came at the cost of a weakening central government, increasing inequalities, and fragmenting society. The essays of Barry Naughton, Joseph Fewsmith, Paul H. B. Godwin, Murray Scot Tanner, Lianjiang Li and Kevin J. O'Brien, Tianjian Shi, Martin King Whyte, Thomas P. Bernstein, Dorothy J. Solinger, David S. G. Goodman, Kristen Parris, Merle Goldman, Elizabeth J. Perry, and Richard Baum and Alexei Shevchenko analyze the contradictory impact of China's economic reforms on its political system and social structure. They explore the changing patterns of the relationship between state and society that may have more profound significance for China than all the revolutionary movements that have convulsed it through most of the twentieth century.

本书据美国加州大学出版社1986年版译出。评价了19世纪中亚商业资本主义对中国经济和社会的影响,阐明了近代中国历代上三个相关联的问题,即资本主义萌芽、经济帝国主义、条约口岸影响中国的历史作用。

In most liberal democracies commercialized media is taken for granted, but in many authoritarian regimes the introduction of market forces in the media represents a radical break from the past with uncertain political and social implications. In Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China, Daniela Stockmann argues that the consequences of media marketization depend on the institutional design of the state. In one-party regimes such as China, market-based media promote regime stability rather than destabilizing authoritarianism or bringing about democracy. By analyzing the Chinese media, Stockmann ties trends of market liberalism in China to other authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and the post-Soviet region. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Chinese journalists and propaganda officials as well as more than 2000 newspaper articles, experiments and public opinion data sets, this book links censorship among journalists with patterns of media consumption and media's effects on public opinion.

With unique access to Chinese leaders at all levels of the party and government, best-selling author David M. Lampton tells the story of China’s political elites from their own perspectives. Based on over five hundred interviews, Following the Leader offers a rare glimpse into how the attitudes and ideas of those at the top have evolved over the past four decades. Here China’s rulers explain their strategies and ideas for moving the nation forward, share their reflections on matters of leadership and policy, and discuss the challenges that keep them awake at night. As the Chinese Communist Party installs its new president, Xi Jinping, for a presumably ten-year term, questions abound. How will the country move forward as its explosive rate of economic growth begins to slow? How does it plan to deal with domestic and international calls for political reform and to cope with an aging population, not to mention an increasingly fragmented bureaucracy and society? In this insightful book we learn how China’s leaders see the nation’s political future, as well as about its global strategic influence.

中國對於世界可以是機會也可以是威脅。 那麼世界對於中國呢？ 和平崛起的背後並非沒有戰略思考。 中國這麼大，人口這麼多，經濟充滿活 力，軍事又快速崛起，但即便如此，中國 仍然是一個周遭強敵環伺的脆弱強權。在充分認知地緣政治對中國所造成的挑戰之後，我們才能夠更加理解：即便對它的鄰國影響日深，中國為什麼還要採取這樣那樣的外交政策。黎安友與施道安分析了中 國對四個前線的安全考量：中國境內、近 鄰國家、周邊區域以及亞洲以外。在闡明 是哪些安全議題驅使中國採取哪些外交政策之後，兩位作者對中國的崛起給出

《中国的"行为联邦制":中央-地方关系的变革与动力》是从行为方式的视角对中国的中央—地方关系进行概念化的首次尝试。尽管中国并没有一种联邦形式的政府体制，但作者认为，随着改革开放的深化，中国的中央—地方关系日益遵循联邦制的原则在运作。联邦制作为中国的一种运行机制被置于研究之中。作者将中国现存的政治体制定义为“行为联邦制”，并在书中对它的起源和动力做出详细的分析。这一体制主要由两个相互关联的因素驱动——政府间的放权化和全球化。当1980年代实施的经济放权导致“行为联邦制”的形成时，90年代兴起的全球化加速了这一过程并越来越施加影响，使之表现出制度化的趋势。