治理指的是公共权威为实现公共利益而进行的管理活动和管理过程。治理问题已经成为当代世界与当代中国的重大理论和现实问题。《中国治理评论》集中关注当代中国的国家治理和社会治理，强调全球视野与中国关怀，倡导问题意识，鼓励学术对话。本刊内设主题探讨、中国治理、海外治理、全球治理、学术动态、书评等栏目，将邀请海内外专家学者，从政治学、社会学、经济学、历史学、法学、哲学等多重视角，就中国民主治理的重大问题进行深入研讨，力图成为中外治理研究的高端学术平台。 《中国治理评论》由中央编译局比较政治与经济研究中心和清华大学凯风发展研究院共同主办，联合国开发计划署支持，俞可平主编。 《中国治理评论》这样一本杂志将会提供高质量的关于治理方面的讨论，不仅对于中国的治理发展很有意义，对于整个世界的治理发展也是很有意义的。杂志为我们思想的交锋、观点的交流提供了一个平台，同时也给决策者提供了一些参考，让他们能够更加找准和应对治理领域的挑战，所以我觉得这是一本非常有意义的杂志，它不仅促进关于治理问题的交流，也将促进大家的思想交流和论点的交锋，它会为中国的治理奠定一个非常好的基础。 ——联合国开发计划署驻华代表官员罗黛琳 我认为《中国治理评论》将来能够成为在中国治理领域、在政治学领域不可超越的刊物，大家搞研究、做治理、做项目，都要参考它，这是很重要的一件事情。 ——清华大学副校长谢维和 《中国治理评论》杂志的出现是呼应了时代的发展以及思想的转变以及理论上的转型，是非常恰当其时的，我们对它也有非常高的预期。 ——清华大学政治学系主任张小劲 《中国治理评论》的创刊具有重要的意义。它为我们观察和分析中国社会政治发展提供了独特而有价值的学术平台。……治理和善治理论传入中国后，正在被越来越多的学者接受，成为一种重要的理论分析框架。 ——中央编译局世界发展战略研究部主任何增科

《中国"小组机制"研究》选取广泛存在于中国各级党政机关中以各种“领导小组”为代表的议事协调机构为研究对象，沿着两条平行的主线对“领导小组”和以其为内核而衍生出来的“小组机制”展开解读和分折。一条线索主要是基于政府过程的分析视角，对中国共产党的“小组机制”的运转过程进行全面剖析；另一条线索主要是基于机构改革的分析视角，对行政系统中议事协调机构的改革问题进行全面分析。《中国"小组机制"研究》作为一项有关“小组机制”和议事协调机构的系统性研究，在纵向上注重历史感，以尽可能为读者还原“领导小组”等议事协调机构发展演变的过程；在横向上注重比较，为读者审视中国的议事协调机构提供参照系；在现实分析中立足于过程研究，注重揭示这一较少为人所关注的机构的运转过程；在对策建议上注重可操作性和长期性，希冀能为决策部门提供有益的参考。

中国政治改革面对着怎样的困境和挑战？全球化背景下的中国法治建设取得了哪些进展？村民选举和社区建设对中国基层治理改革的意义何在？私营企业主的政治参与对中国共产党是挑战还是机会？中国妇女为谁而选举？……本书收录世界知名学者对中国政治发展的思考和发现，分别从政治发展与前景、人民代表大会制度与法治建设、农村与城市基层民主、公民社会与政治参与四个方面加以阐释。所选文章均为外籍学者对中国政治发展问题进行学术探讨的第一手资料，集中对这些成果进行归纳和呈现，使国内了解海外学界对于“中国政治发展”的研究细节。

This pioneering study explores the role of working-class militias as vanguard and guardian of the Chinese revolution. The book begins with the origins of urban militias in the late nineteenth century and follows their development down to the present day. Elizabeth Perry focuses on the institution of worker militias as a vehicle for analyzing the changing (yet enduring) impact of China's revolutionary heritage on subsequent state-society relations. She also incorporates a strong comparative perspective, examining the influence of revolutionary militias on the political trajectories of the United States, France, the Soviet Union, and Iran. Based on exhaustive archival research, the work raises fascinating questions about the construction of revolutionary citizenship; the distinctions among class, community, and creed; the open-ended character of revolutionary movements; and the path dependency of institutional change. All readers interested in deepening their understanding of the Chinese Revolution and in the nature of revolutionary change more generally will find this an invaluable contribution.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is the largest, and one of the most powerful, political organizations in the world today, and has played a crucial role in initiating most of the major reforms of the past three decades in China. China's rapid raise has enabled the CCP to extend its influence throughout the globe, but the West remains uncertain whether the CCP will survive China's ongoing socio-economic transformation and whether China will become a democratic country. With rapid socio-economic transformation, the CCP has itself experienced drastic changes. Zheng Yongnian argues that while the concept of 'political party' in China was imported, the CCP is a Chinese cultural product: it is an entirely different breed of political party from those in the West � an organizational emperor, wielding its power in a similar way to Chinese emperor of the past. Using social and political theory, this book examines the CCP's transformation in the reform era, and how it is now struggling to maintain the continuing domination of its imperial power. The author argues that the CCP has managed these changes as a proactive player throughout, and that the nature of the CCP implies that as long as the party is transforming itself in accordance with socio-economic changes, the structure of the party dominion over the state and society will not be allowed to change.

在本书中，作者对中国互联网的历史做了一次突破性的研究，细致又全面地观察了中国互联网对于国家和社会的影响，发现互联网给中国的社会—政治变革带来了新的动力。政府权力和社会力量在以互联网为媒介的公共领域中转换。 从大量的数据梳理和事实分析中，作者得出了四重的研究结论。首先，互联网给政府和社会都增加了权力。互联网在促进政治自由化中扮演了重要的角色，使政府更加开放、透明和负责任。第二，互联网产生了大量的影响，高度分散和超越了政府权力的限度。第三，互联网为政府和社会彼此间的契约和分离创造了一个新的基础结构。第四，互联网创造了一种政府和社会的回归关系。政府和社会之间在互联网上相互作用，最终重塑了政府和社会。

It has often been argued that China will follow an incremental path to political reform, just as its economic reforms followed a gradual course. Indeed, it seemed that China was embarking on such a course in the 1990s, but political reform has stalled. This book uses case studies of prominent reform efforts to understand both why reform was started and why it has stalled. It draws on the literature on institutions and authoritarian political systems and so will appeal to students of comparative politics as well as those interested in China.

改革开放后中国3多年持续的发展及其在国际舞台上的迅速崛起，引发了中国学术界一系列热烈的讨论和争论。特别是关于中国的政治发展，讨论和争论尤其激烈。本书的作者包括中美两国24位著名的政治学家和中国问题专家，是中美学者首次关于当代中国政治问题的专题对话。从相当程

What kind of role can the middle class play in potential democratization in such an undemocratic, late developing country as China? To answer this profound political as well as theoretical question, Jie Chen explores attitudinal and behavioral orientation of China's new middle class to democracy and democratization. Chen's work is based on a unique set of data collected from a probability-sample survey and in-depth interviews of residents in three major Chinese cities, Beijing, Chengdu and Xi'an—each of which represents a distinct level of economic development in urban China-in 2007 and 2008. The empirical findings derived from this data set confirm that (1) compared to other social classes, particularly lower classes, the new Chinese middle class-especially those employed in the state apparatus-tends to be more supportive of the current Party-state but less supportive of democratic values and institutions; (2) the new middle class's attitudes toward democracy may be accounted for by this class's close ideational and institutional ties with the state, and its perceived socioeconomic wellbeing, among other factors; (3) the lack of support for democracy among the middle class tends to cause this social class to act in favor of the current state but in opposition to democratic changes. The most important political implication is that while China's middle class is not likely to serve as the harbinger of democracy now, its current attitudes toward democracy may change in the future. Such a crucial shift in the middle class's orientation toward democracy can take place, especially when its dependence on the Party-state decreases and perception of its own social and economic statuses turns pessimistic. The key theoretical implication from the findings suggests that the attitudinal and behavioral orientations of the middle class-as a whole and as a part-toward democratic change in late developing countries are contingent upon its relationship with the incumbent state and its perceived social/economic wellbeing, and the middle class's support for democracy in these countries is far from inevitable.

《治国与理财》围绕国家建设和公共预算这个主题，从中国财政国家转型、现代预算制度的确立和中国的预算改革、预算与国家治理、预算与政治问责等多个角度，论证了作者的基本认识与核心关切——“治国即理财”，即财政体系在国家治理与政治问责方面的重要性。 作者从2003年以来在中国的五个省和四个城市进行广泛的预算改革调研，积累了大量的实证资料。他采纳财政社会学的观点，认为财政对国家和社会的演进具有决定性的影响，不仅是理解社会和政治变化的关键，而且是社会变化的重要指标和源泉。 作者将预算制度的建立上升到国家能力的高度，认为预算能力是国家能力最基本的支撑，并从政治学的角度思考中国的预算改革，认为对现代国家的治理来说，问责是核心问题，而财政问责（预算）又是政治问责的核心。

本书为作者最重要学术贡献，是继王亚南《中国官僚政治研究》后，国内第一部最有系统的“官僚主义论”。他沿着王亚南《中国官僚政治研究》的思路，继续研究整个人类，特别是当代中国的官民关系，自成一说。著述显示作者马列主义理论修养深厚，视野开阔，来龙去脉分明，特别是对一些长期流行的观点的指谬，不留情面，证诸实践，显示了理论的、逻辑的力量，可视为将来建立“官僚主义学”的奠基之作。

Viewing the evolving relationship between the Chinese Communist Party and private entrepreneurs, this book examines the implications of recruiting entrepreneurs into the communist party. It has given rise to the label of "red capitalists." Although many foreign observers expect economic change to lead inevitably to political change in China, this book reveals that China's entrepreneurs are willing partners with the state; not an autonomous force in opposition to the state.

Why hasn't the emergence of capitalism led China's citizenry to press for liberal democratic change? This book argues that China's combination of state-led development, late industrialization, and socialist legacies have affected popular perceptions of socioeconomic mobility, economic dependence on the state, and political options, giving citizens incentives to perpetuate the political status quo and disincentives to embrace liberal democratic change. Wright addresses the ways in which China's political and economic development shares broader features of state-led late industrialization and post-socialist transformation with countries as diverse as Mexico, India, Tunisia, Indonesia, South Korea, Brazil, Russia, and Vietnam. With its detailed analysis of China's major socioeconomic groups (private entrepreneurs, state sector workers, private sector workers, professionals and students, and farmers), Accepting Authoritarianism is an up-to-date, comprehensive, and coherent text on the evolution of state-society relations in reform-era China.

Contemporary Chinese Politics: Sources, Methods, and Field Strategies considers how new and diverse sources and methods are changing the study of Chinese politics. Contributors spanning three generations in China studies place their distinct qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches in the framework of the discipline and point to challenges or opportunities (or both) of adapting new sources and methods to the study of contemporary China. How can we more effectively use new sources and methods of data collection? How can we better integrate the study of Chinese politics into the discipline of political science, to the betterment of both? How can we more appropriately manage the logistical and ethical problems of doing political research in the challenging Chinese environment? In addressing these questions, this comprehensive methodological survey will be of immense interest to graduate students heading into the field for the first time and experienced scholars looking to keep abreast of the state of the art in the study of Chinese politics. 1 Contributors span three generations in China studies, and represent the top of the field in their particular methodological approaches 2 The most complete and up-to-date guide to fieldwork in China available; includes new and diverse sources and methods

在激情燃燒的歲月 有一支激情燃燒的團隊 中國經濟體制改革研究所，簡稱「體改所」。生存於1984~1989年 — 經濟開始全面變革、社會面臨鉅大變化、觀念充滿激烈碰撞的年代。那是中國1949年以後思想最為活躍的時期，體改所在此背景下誕生，成為當時的一個另類：身處「體制內」，卻有很大的自主權；是官辦機構，卻有相當的思想自由度；一群下鄉、當兵回來的年輕人，卻對政策制定起了重要作用。為何會如此？本書也許會揭開部分謎底。

中國會民主化嗎？倘若如此，中國會變得更尊重台灣迥異的生活方式與利益嗎？或是中國會成為現代化國家的一個例外，維持一個充滿活力的——作者稱之為「具有韌性的」——威權主義政權？若出現這種局面，中國對台灣地位問題是否還會一如既往地不妥協？台灣和中國不同的政治發展軌跡，受其民眾對政治的文化態度影響程度有多大？ 在歷史揭曉之前，沒有人知道這些問題的最終答案。作者希望藉由與讀者討論這些重要議題，讓讀者了解，當中國迅速改變之際，如何讓自己對中國有最新的瞭解。

本书主要考察中央地方关系在当代中国的变迁过程及其与城镇化和社会发展方面的联系。在大量经验调查和理论研究的基础上，本书指出，二十世纪八十年代的财政包干制和九十年代的分税制是理解中央地方关系变迁的关键要素。财政包干制为地方政府“大办企业”和快速的地方工业化提供了激励，而分税制则促使地方政府发生了由“经营企业”到“经营土地”和“经营城市”的转向。本书从土地指标获取和城镇化模式两个方面分析了中央地方关系的变化对地方政府行为的深刻影响，为我们理解当代中国的经济社会发展提供了一种较有洞察力的视角。