《乡村中国的权力与财富:制度变迁的政治经济学》代表了在全球化时代新一代政治经济学家研究发展中国家的最优秀的著作，必将在关于中国转型的为数不多的重要著作中占有一席之地。自1978年以来，制度变迁成为中国快速的经济社会转型的核心。作为21世纪初世界经济发展最快的国家之一，中国正同时从农业向工业、从计划经济向市场经济转变。本研究考察了中国经济最具活力的层面之一——乡村工业的制度变迁。通过探讨个体，地方政府及其所处宏观政策环境之间的复杂的互动，《乡村中国的权力与财富:制度变迁的政治经济学》比其他任何著作都更好地澄清了中国城镇和乡村工业的制度背景以及最近产权改革的私有化趋势。

美國單極體系式微、第三波民主退潮、資本主義全球化陷入困境、西方中心世界沒落――四重歷史趨勢的反轉，造成全球政治勢力大洗牌。 人類的未來，會不會因資本主義反噬而步向毀滅深淵？ 失靈的「自由市場」與「民主政治」，會把人類文明發展帶向何處？ 面對二十一世紀「巨變時代」的轉折，台灣必須重新定義自身價值，才能在未來全球舞台走自己的路。 我想透過這本書再度提醒台灣讀者，人類社會在跨入二十一世紀之際，全球政治、經濟與意識型態格局正在經歷一場翻天覆地的秩序與結構重組。但是大多數台灣民眾對於這場歷史大變局的來臨仍渾然不覺；台灣社會裡大多數的意見領袖，還是緊緊擁抱著二十世紀後半葉形成的主流觀念與思維模式，沒有做好迎接二十一世紀變局的思想準備。這是今日台灣最大的危機所在。――摘自〈自序〉 在歷史洪流之中，台灣未來將何去何從？面對中、美兩大勢力的拉扯，台灣定位將如何界定？面對二十一世紀發展的種種疑問，《高思在雲》以獨特的「大歷史觀」概念，深入剖析全球三百年來的世局演變，試圖釐清人類未來的下一步該何去何從。 面對「巨變時代」的來臨，作者朱雲漢不只希望讀者重視中國興起帶來的影響，更要思索人類該如何面對西方勢力衰落，在合作的基礎上重新建構一個「休戚與共」及「和而不同」的輝煌盛世。 名人推薦 ： 西方國家所熟知的世界，已一去不返了。自十九世紀中葉以來，以西方為中心的文明觀，不僅認為西方國家的爭奪霸權，追逐所謂的國家利益，原本就是歷史進展的必然過程，而所主張的自由主義的民主，則更是人類意識型態的終點與政府的終結型式。 在歷史的大浪潮激盪出四個大反轉的巨變後，今後人類的歷史又將如何發展呢？朱院士認為：一方面全球秩序可能進入一個較長的崩解與重組時期，而在這一時期中，難免會產生某種程度的混亂與失序；另一面可能迎來一個無論在經濟、文化、宗教、族群等方面，皆更能符合對等、互惠，多元、尊重以及公正、發展等原則的新世界，也就是更能建構一個體現「休戚與共」及「和而不同」理念的全球新秩序。 ――中央研究院院士　胡佛

本书在阐述新中国政治发展和当代中国政治基本性质的基础上，系统、深入地考察了中国共产党在国家权力组织结构和政治生活中的地位和实际运作过程；立法制度、司法制度、军事制度以及监督制度在社会主义民主政治中的状况；三大权力主体即中央政府、地方政府和行政机构的权力结构关系，及其在社会主义市场经济中不同的行为模式；作为“非政府政治”的国家与社会关系以及统治结构中的单位体制和农村基层政治在改革中的变化与问题。本书既包含了中国政治制度的基本方面，又追踪了改革开放以来出现的新型的政治—经济—社会关系，是全景式和动态式了解当代中国政治制度的入门之作。

《中国式共识型决策：“开门”与“磨合”》通过抽丝剥茧式分析中国新医改政策形成的全过程，探究了中国中央政府如何制定重大公共政策。书中发现，今天中国重大政策形成的参与结构和沟通机制都发生了新变化，这促使中国政府决策模式由过去的“个人决策”、“集体决策”转向一种民主化、科学化水平更高的“共识型”决策模式，它有两个关键特征：参与结构方面的特征是“开门”，沟通机制方面的特征是“磨合”。

本书选择了改革开放以来影响中国现实政治生活的若干代表性概念范畴，努力运用现代政治科学的方法，进行深入的理论分析，力图揭示出中国政治发展的内在规律和基本价值，其中的许多概念完全是中国化的，如“土政策”、“党内民主”、“增量民主”、“干部公选”、“群众路线”和“压力型体制”等等。

本书追溯中国“集体领导制”变迁之“路”，探究“集体领导制”运作之“道”，剖析“集体领导制”治理之“术”，揭示“集体领导制”的历史发展逻辑、制度创新内涵和国际竞争优势，旨在为中国共产党人更好地全面建设中国和科学发展中国，提供政治自觉，增强政治自信。 中国集体领导制是指由多人组成的中央政治局常委会及其集体领导机制，体现为五大机制：集体交接班机制；集体分工协作机制；集体学习机制；集体调研机制；集体决策机制。它是具有中国特色的执政党治理结构、国家治理结构、军队治理结构和社会治理结构， 这一制度发源于毛泽东，重建于邓小平，成形于江泽民，完善于胡锦涛，并不断自我调整、自我修复、自我完善。 集体领导制比个人总统制具有明显的信息优势和决策优势，它是具有深刻意义的制度创新和治道变革，大大超越了西方国家的 “两党分治”、“三权分立”、“总统（个人负责）制”，彰显了中国共产党人的政治智慧和中华民族深厚的文化智慧。

This book examines the fundamental issue of how citizens get government officials to provide them with the roads, schools, and other public services they need by studying communities in rural China. In authoritarian and transitional systems, formal institutions for holding government officials accountable are often weak. The answer, Lily L. Tsai found, lies in a community's social institutions. Even when formal democratic and bureaucratic institutions of accountability are weak, government officials can still be subject to informal rules and norms created by community solidary groups that have earned high moral standing in the community.

《当代中国政治制度》以简洁的语言，概述了当代中国政治制度的主要内容，诸如人民代表大会制度、选举制茺、国家行政制度、国家公务员制度、民族区域自治制度、特别行政区制度、共产党领导的多党合作制度、政治协商制度，分析了其由来、组成与运行、发展等，既保持内容基本稳定，又融入了学术界最新研究成果。

《当代中国政府过程(第3版)》主要内容：任何实际运行中的政府，都不仅是一种体制，而且是一个过程。因此，关于政府问题的研究，必然要在方法论上突破传统的体制研究的范围，而走向一个重要的领域——过程研究。“政府过程”是现代正常治、行政学的一个重要概念，是分析政府问题的一个重要角度。其特征是对政治特别是政府活动的行为、运转、程序以及各构成要素，特别是各社会利益群体之间以及它们与政府之间的交互关系，进行实证性的分析、研究和阐述。这种过程研究对于传统的体制研究、要素分析和法理说明，是一个极为重要的补充和丰富。

Populist Authoritarianism as an original theoretical framework in understanding authoritarian regimes in general and the dynamics of Chinese politics in particular. The range of public opinion surveys used in the book is unprecedented. Few researchers possess the historical and scientific evidence that allow them to compare change of public opinion A balanced and nuanced discussion about one of the most popular governments in the world that feels paranoid in a political environment that does not provide institutional guarantee for regime stability

This book studies the survival strategies of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Examining both the CCP's quest for popular legitimacy and its search for party cohesion, Zeng argues that ideological reform and the institutionalization of power succession are crucial factors in the party's retention of power. China's economic success has created a fundamental dilemma for the CCP: if a communist party does not deliver communism and class victory, why is it there at all? There is a potential contradiction between generating economic success by utilizing quasi-capitalist economic policies on the one hand, and the fact that this is a communist party that supposedly justifies its rule by being the vehicle to deliver a communist society on the other. This contradiction has proved a challenge to the CCP's rule, generating belief crises in Chinese society and ideological battles within the party. This book shows how the CCP has remained in power by continually revising the ideological basis that justifies its rule.

Many observers predicted the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party following the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989, and again following the serial collapse of communist regimes behind the Iron Curtain. Their prediction, however, never proved true. Despite minor setbacks, China has experienced explosive economic growth and relative political stability ever since 1989. In The Dictator's Dilemma, eminent China scholar Bruce Dickson provides a comprehensive explanation for regime's continued survival and prosperity. Dickson contends that the popular media narrative of the party's impending implosion ignores some basic facts. The regime's policies may generate resentment and protest, but the CCP still enjoys a surprisingly high level of popular support. Nor is the party is not cut off from the people it governs. It consults with a wide range of specialists, stakeholders, and members of the general public in a selective yet extensive manner. Further, it tolerates and even encourages a growing and diverse civil society, even while restricting access to it. Today, the majority of Chinese people see the regime as increasingly democratic even though it does not allow political competition and its leaders are not accountable to the electorate. In short, while the Chinese people may prefer change, they prefer that it occurs within the existing political framework. In reaching this conclusion, Dickson draws upon original public opinion surveys, interviews, and published materials to explain why there is so much popular support for the regime. This basic stability is a familiar story to China specialists, but not to those whose knowledge of contemporary China is limited to the popular media. The Dictator's Dilemma, an engaging synthesis of how the CCP rules and its future prospects, will enlighten both audiences, and will be essential for anyone interested in understanding China's increasing importance in world politics.

What role do nationalism and popular protest play in China's foreign relations? Chinese authorities permitted anti-American demonstrations in 1999 but repressed them in 2001 during two crises in U.S.-China relations. Anti-Japanese protests were tolerated in 1985, 2005, and 2012 but banned in 1990 and 1996. Protests over Taiwan, the issue of greatest concern to Chinese nationalists, have never been allowed. To explain this variation, Powerful Patriots identifies the diplomatic as well as domestic factors that drive protest management in authoritarian states. Because nationalist protests are costly to repress and may turn against the government, allowing protests demonstrates resolve and makes compromise more costly in diplomatic relations. Repressing protests, by contrast, sends a credible signal of reassurance, facilitating diplomatic flexibility. Powerful Patriots traces China's management of dozens of nationalist protests and their consequences between 1985 and 2012.

As its miracle growth continues seemingly unabated into a fourth decade, China's emergence as a global economic and political power is accepted as inevitable. China is changing and the world is changing in response. Yet such radical transformation has also brought challenges that China must face if it is to continue its upward trajectory. Some of problems that are thought to threaten China's reforms are in fact not as serious as many interpreters claim —only growing pains of development. Some have already been solved. Other widely noted problems truly are serious, and still others may loom on the horizon. Growing Pains seeks to present an accurate view —as opposed to an optimistic or pessimistic one —of China's current reforms. Sorting the evidence of the problems' actual severity, the contributors consider hot-button issues —privatization and markets; governance; and questions of health care, environmental degradation, and social inequality —and consider the likelihood of near-term solutions.

Has China become just another capitalist country in a socialist cloak? Will the Chinese Communist Party's rule survive the next ten years of modernization and globalization? Frank Pieke investigates these conundrums in this fascinating account of how government officials are trained for placement in the Chinese Communist Party. Through in-depth interviews with staff members and aspiring trainees, he shows that while the Chinese Communist Party has undergone a radical transformation since the revolutionary years under Mao, it is still incumbent upon cadres, who are selected through a highly rigorous process, to be ideologically and politically committed to the party. It is the lessons learnt through their teachers that shape the political and economic decisions they will make in power. The book offers unique insights into the structure and the ideological culture of the Chinese government, and how it has reinvented itself over the last three decades as a neo-socialist state.

China's bold program of reforms launched in the late 1970s--the move to a market economy and the opening to the outside world--ended the political chaos and economic stagnation of the Cultural Revolution and sparked China's unprecedented economic boom. Yet, while the reforms made possible a rising standard of living for the majority of China's population, they came at the cost of a weakening central government, increasing inequalities, and fragmenting society. The essays of Barry Naughton, Joseph Fewsmith, Paul H. B. Godwin, Murray Scot Tanner, Lianjiang Li and Kevin J. O'Brien, Tianjian Shi, Martin King Whyte, Thomas P. Bernstein, Dorothy J. Solinger, David S. G. Goodman, Kristen Parris, Merle Goldman, Elizabeth J. Perry, and Richard Baum and Alexei Shevchenko analyze the contradictory impact of China's economic reforms on its political system and social structure. They explore the changing patterns of the relationship between state and society that may have more profound significance for China than all the revolutionary movements that have convulsed it through most of the twentieth century.

As the Chinese Communist Party continues to move away from socialism, it faces a growing number of challenges to the claim that it represents the sole legitimate governing body in China. In order to reaffirm itself as the most effective force for keeping the country together, the CCP has adapted to contemporary political conundrums in a variety of ways. Rejecting pessimistic perspectives which predict an erosion of state power or naive optimism that state-society relations will evolve towards a Western-style pluralist democracy in the foreseeable future, the contributions to this volume explore many ways in which the CCP selectively adapts to the challenges that have arisen from its strategy of rapid economic growth at the expense of political reform, in order to maintain its authority and relevance. Examining trends such as the reliance on religious charities originating from outside the PRC, the revival of local governance in urban settings, the passing of legislation for workers, or the multiplication of environmental non-governmental organizations, this book tackles the question of whether the Chinese government can overcome these challenges. The Chinese Party-State in the 21st Century: Adaptation and the Reinvention of Legitimacy will appeal to students and scholars of Chinese politics, Asian politics, comparative politics and political sociology.

In most liberal democracies commercialized media is taken for granted, but in many authoritarian regimes the introduction of market forces in the media represents a radical break from the past with uncertain political and social implications. In Media Commercialization and Authoritarian Rule in China, Daniela Stockmann argues that the consequences of media marketization depend on the institutional design of the state. In one-party regimes such as China, market-based media promote regime stability rather than destabilizing authoritarianism or bringing about democracy. By analyzing the Chinese media, Stockmann ties trends of market liberalism in China to other authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, North Africa, sub-Saharan Africa and the post-Soviet region. Drawing on in-depth interviews with Chinese journalists and propaganda officials as well as more than 2000 newspaper articles, experiments and public opinion data sets, this book links censorship among journalists with patterns of media consumption and media's effects on public opinion.