With unique access to Chinese leaders at all levels of the party and government, best-selling author David M. Lampton tells the story of China’s political elites from their own perspectives. Based on over five hundred interviews, Following the Leader offers a rare glimpse into how the attitudes and ideas of those at the top have evolved over the past four decades. Here China’s rulers explain their strategies and ideas for moving the nation forward, share their reflections on matters of leadership and policy, and discuss the challenges that keep them awake at night. As the Chinese Communist Party installs its new president, Xi Jinping, for a presumably ten-year term, questions abound. How will the country move forward as its explosive rate of economic growth begins to slow? How does it plan to deal with domestic and international calls for political reform and to cope with an aging population, not to mention an increasingly fragmented bureaucracy and society? In this insightful book we learn how China’s leaders see the nation’s political future, as well as about its global strategic influence.

中國對於世界可以是機會也可以是威脅。 那麼世界對於中國呢？ 和平崛起的背後並非沒有戰略思考。 中國這麼大，人口這麼多，經濟充滿活 力，軍事又快速崛起，但即便如此，中國 仍然是一個周遭強敵環伺的脆弱強權。在充分認知地緣政治對中國所造成的挑戰之後，我們才能夠更加理解：即便對它的鄰國影響日深，中國為什麼還要採取這樣那樣的外交政策。黎安友與施道安分析了中 國對四個前線的安全考量：中國境內、近 鄰國家、周邊區域以及亞洲以外。在闡明 是哪些安全議題驅使中國採取哪些外交政策之後，兩位作者對中國的崛起給出

《中国的"行为联邦制":中央-地方关系的变革与动力》是从行为方式的视角对中国的中央—地方关系进行概念化的首次尝试。尽管中国并没有一种联邦形式的政府体制，但作者认为，随着改革开放的深化，中国的中央—地方关系日益遵循联邦制的原则在运作。联邦制作为中国的一种运行机制被置于研究之中。作者将中国现存的政治体制定义为“行为联邦制”，并在书中对它的起源和动力做出详细的分析。这一体制主要由两个相互关联的因素驱动——政府间的放权化和全球化。当1980年代实施的经济放权导致“行为联邦制”的形成时，90年代兴起的全球化加速了这一过程并越来越施加影响，使之表现出制度化的趋势。

本书主要内容包括: 中国民主资本家的神话 ; 绕过民主: 政权稳定、非正式制度及政治变革 ; 中国私营经济的非正规及正规的复活等。

This Handbook looks at how China is governed, how its domestic political system functions and the critical issues that it currently faces. Governed by the world’s largest political party in the world’s longest-ruling Communist regime, China is undergoing a transitional period of rapid economic and social development. How this period is managed will have significant implications for the Chinese state and its population concerning China’s governance structures and economy, as well as the country’s justice, public health, education and internal/external security concerns. This transition to a modern state is not without its challenges – particularly in terms of how the Chinese state deals with diverse issues such as social inequality, corruption, separatism, increasing individualism and political reform. China’s governance and domestic politics also have possible major global consequences, especially in the context of China's continued rise within the international system. This Handbook will improve understandings of the core national dynamics of this rise and, as levels of international interdependence with China increase, can offer vital insights concerning China's domestic attributes. Gaining a better knowledge of China's internal workings can also help readers to better appreciate the multiple and varied problems that China’s leaders will face in the coming decades. Critically, many of the core internal issues facing China also have potential external repercussions, principally in terms of rising social unrest, nationalism, environmental degradation, resource shortages and attitudes towards globalization. This book covers these issues and will help readers to fully comprehend China’s ongoing contemporary global significance.

This book reveals the complex relationship between elite perceptions and behaviour, and governance, in China. It moves away from existing scholarship by focusing on functionaries, grass-roots elites, leading intellectuals, and opinion-makers in China and by looking beyond the top leadership, makes a significant contribution to our understanding of shared governance and broadened political participation in China. The chapters in this collection explore the elites' role as opinion-makers, technical experts, producers of knowledge, and executives or managers, and pose a number of questions, the answers to which are crucial to understanding future political and economic development in China. What are elite perceptions of governance, inequality and justice; what do the elites mean by good governance; what is the influence of non-Chinese Communist Party elites in policy-making and implementation in China; how have they exerted their influence in the PRC and influenced its direction of future development; and what have grass-roots elites contributed to governance in local communities? Providing a keen insight into the role elites have played in governing China since 1978, this book is a pioneering effort to bring together elite studies and governance studies. As such, it will be highly relevant for policy-makers within international organizations, governments, and NGOs outside China as well as appealing to scholars and students interested in Chinese politics and governance.

China's future is arguably the most consequential question in global affairs. Having enjoyed unprecedented levels of growth, China is at a critical juncture in the development of its economy, society, polity, national security and international relations. The direction the nation takes at this crossroads will determine whether it stumbles and ultimately stalls or whether it continues to develop and prosper. Will China be successful in implementing a new wave of transformational reforms that could last decades and make the country the world s leading superpower by 2025? Or will the PRC shy away from the drastic changes required and risk stagnation or even regime collapse? Or will China instead emerge as a hard, authoritarian and aggressive superstate? In this new book, David Shambaugh, one of the world s leading Sinologists, argues that these potential pathways are all possibilities - but they depend on key decisions yet to be made by China's leaders, different institutions and groups in Chinese society, as well as being shaped by other nations. Drawing on four decades of experience studying and visiting China, Shambaugh assesses these challenges and their implications, offering a stimulating and thoughtful study of China's future for all those seeking to understand the country's likely trajectory over the coming decade and beyond.

党治国家终结了20世纪上半叶以来一直困扰人们的政权“内卷化”趋势，但远没有完成政治共同体的正规化和合理化的现代化过程，即“获得现代性”的过程。 对于在一党执政体制内谋求长期执政的政党而言，尤其是在资源动员和分配上承受巨大压力的情况下，以党权的轴心地位来强化中央权威，以党权的巩固扩张来拓展改革空间，以党权的集中统一来打破利益分割，以党权的合法运用来支持法律秩序，可能就是党治国家在特定历史条件下走向现代国家的必经阶段。 国家治理意味着不仅应该有一个体系完整、职能科学、监管合理、调控有效的政府体系，还应该有一个相对独立自主、广泛参与公共事务、有力监督和控制政府的社会体系。 在中国走向现代国家的路上，共产党执政方式面临的最大问题，在于它能否正确地解决现代国家建设中政党与国家的法律关系，即“党权”与“法权”的关系，而判断共产党执政方式是否走向成熟的重要标志之一，则要看它能否成功地把宪法的最高权威和法律的刚性约束内化为政党行为的理性自觉，即内化为政党的“法的精神”。

This book investigates the new representation unfolding in Chinese local congresses. Drawing qualitative fieldwork and data analysis from original surveys of 5,130 township, county, and municipal congressmen and women and constituents, Melanie Manion shows the priorities and problems of ordinary Chinese significantly influence both who gets elected to local congresses and what the congresses do once elected. Candidates nominated by ordinary voters are 'good types', with qualities that signal they will reliably represent the community. By contrast, candidates nominated by the communist party are 'governing types', with qualities that reflect officially valued competence and loyalty. However, congressmen and women of both types now largely reject the Maoist-era role of state agent. Instead, they view themselves as 'delegates', responsible for advocating with local government to supply local public goods. Manion argues that representation in Chinese local congresses taps local knowledge for local governance, thereby bolstering the rule of autocrats in Beijing.

谁会宣称自己不是民主制的支持者呢?民主全能。民主能让人民都作主，能治腐败，能让人人平等，能让政治清明，能让世界上所有的老百姓都过上好日子。它高于家庭、高于民族、高于主权、高于人权，还高于一切非西方人的生命权。这就是目前弥漫于世人之间的民主迷信！笔者不反民主，甚至还有些喜欢民主，可也不信民主教，更不信那些虔诚的“启蒙”者能把中国人民都变成民主信徒。中国充满困境，但笔者不信民主能解决中国社会的主要困难。笔者希望回到政治文明的原点来讨论民主，讨论民主化，讨论今天的民主十字军。这么做的目的只有一个，就是提醒国人，不要从一个陷阱跳入另一个陷阱。就目前中国的情况而论，适宜建立的不是虚妄的民主，而是法治导向、由六大支柱构成的所谓“咨询型法治”。这六大支柱包括中立的文官系统；自主的司法系统；独立的反贪机构；独立的审计系统；以全国和省人民代表大会为核心的广泛的社会咨询系统；以及受法律充分保护的言论、出版、集会和结社的自由。这种法治有六大特点，即强调“法律”作主，拒绝“人民”做主；强调法的正义性，因而特别重视“法律面前人人平等”；强调严格执法的重要性，刻意增加立法难度；强调限制政府的职能和规模，造就有限政府，保障社会经济生活的自由，从而鼓励民族的创造力；强调政府行为的透明；强调追求符合中华传统的秩序与自由。本书所收论文，从法治、现代化和秩序等不同的角度讨论了上述问题。

《改革及其敌人》是“郑永年看中国”系列之一，精选了作者近年来关于中国国内政治（主要是政治改革）的评论文章。 毫无疑问，中国未来的发展，取决于政治改革的进程。但恰恰对于政治改革，中国社会的共识越来越少。左派和右派之间的争论越来越　空，越来越情绪化。本书作者郑永年先生认为，无论是左派的恐惧主义还是右派的幻想主义，都没有出路。政治不改革已经造成了诸多非常深刻的负面结果，威胁到执政党各方面的可持续发展；而改革如何进行，又不能不顾中国现实，牢牢抱住西方的教条。中国必须根据自身的　政治传统和历史轨迹，找出适合自身条件的改革途径。这是一项充满矛盾和困难的伟大事业，处处呼唤着政治家的理性、魄力和自我约束。 本书围绕政治改革这一宏大题旨，按照变革中的精英政治、腐败治理、渐进开放、意识形态重建、民主的中国模式、政治改革的基本议程等重要主题，对中国式政治制度建设作了独立、独到的探索。

This book argues that a combination of property rights reform, administrative fragmentation, and technological advance has caused the post-Mao Chinese state to lose a significant degree of control over “thought work,” or the management of propagandistic communications flowing into and through Chinese society. The East Asian economic meltdown of the late 1990’s has reinforced the conviction, derived from Communism’s nearly worldwide collapse a decade earlier, that the only path to sustained prosperity combines an openness to trade and investment with market economies that are minimally impinged upon by state intervention. But, the author argues, the situations in China demonstrates that the political, social, and cultural costs of “reform and opening” are high. Notably, the construction of culture in China has fallen into the hands of lower-level government administrators, semiautonomous individuals and groups in society, and foreign-based public and private organizations. Contrary to the prevailing neo-liberal wisdom, however, this transformation has not generated a Habermasian public sphere and an autonomous civil society that will lead China inevitably toward democracy. Instead, the immediate result has been “public sphere praetorianism,” a condition in which the construction of culture becomes excessively market-oriented without being directed toward the achievement of public political goals. The case of China shows that under such conditions, a society is set adrift and rudderless, with its members unable or unwilling to channel their energies toward the resolution of pressing public concerns, and communication flows dissolve into a patternless mosaic. True, the flows are much less constrained by government than ever before—an important precondition for democratization. But the short-term effect is actually an enervating depoliticization—even narcotization—of society, while the state itself paradoxically continues to lose control.

Reviews 'Cai's book has made a valuable contribution to our understanding of opportunity constraints that conditioned laid-off workers responses to the restructuring of SOEs. It would be useful not only for those who study the changing labor relations in China's economic transition, but also for those who are interested in popular contention and collective action in general.' - The China Review, Vol 7, No.1

作为中国官员队伍的主体，省以下各级官员，尤其是县乡官员，不仅是国家法律政策的具体执行者和解释者，也是其所生活区域中具有很大影响的群体，是地方政治能动性的具体实现者。这部文集从地方官员与制度互动的视角，探讨了地方官员作为一个群体的行为特征，他们如何受制度的塑造，又是如何影响制度的运行。 本文集是中央编译局比较政治与经济研究中心与德国杜伊斯堡大学东亚研究所、图宾根大学大中华研究中心2008年以来进行合作研究的成果。作者分别来自德国、中国（包括香港）、美国和澳大利亚，对于中国地方政治进行过长期的田野调查和实证研究。文章类型在主题上可以分为两类：一类是从现有制度视角来讨论制度是如何影响地方官员行为的；另一类是从地方官员视角来分析如何应对制度的激励和约束的。讨论的都是地方官员与制度的互动关系。

本书在国内首次对海外学者关于中国共产党的研究成果进行了系统的梳理，划分了其主要发展阶段，提出了一个以“控制—制衡”为核心的分析框架，并从党与市场、党与国家、党与社会三个维度对其研究内容进行了阐述，得出如下启示：在从革命党向执政党的历史转型中，中国共产党同时面临着两大根本任务：一是适应改革开放之后中国社会经济环境的变化，承担中国国家建设的历史重任；二是维持自身的组织存在与政治认同。这两大根本任务之间存在一种辩证关系，同时，与改革开放后中国的政治变迁息息相关。

当代中国为何会赢得世界各国那么多的关注？中国的一举一动为何会招来国际舆论那么多的议论？是因为中国令人意外的发展成就和社会问题，还是因为出乎意料的中国崛起和中国崩溃的议论，或是因为中国潜在的经济威胁和军事威胁？ 通过阅读本书，您会对上述问题有个清晰的认识。其实，中国吸引力的关键原因是“中国不一样”。每个国家说起来都“不一样”，但中国的规模和影响力显然最突出，“中国不一样”的核心是中国的“制度与文化的组合”不一样。中国吸引力的关键原因，是中国的这个“不一样”所包含的种种不确定性带来的震撼和焦虑。焦虑，往往比震撼更加持续有力。 本书一方面回答了“中国为什么不一样”的问题，另一方面也回答了“谁有可能实施什么方案”的问题。通过一种远距离观察中国的理论视角，本书将读者心目中非常熟悉的中国，变成了一个多少有些“不一样”却更加逼真的中国！

Using a wide variety of sources previously unavailable, Hong Yung Lee offers for the first time a theoretical and historical perspective on China's ruling elite, examining their politics and the bureaucratic system in which they participate. He traces the evolution of these cadres from the guerrilla fighters who first joined the communist movement and founded the new regime in 1949 to the technocratic specialists who wield power today. In the revolution the Communist leaders built a peasant-based party organization whose members were largely recruited from uneducated poor peasants and hired laborers. Even after they became the founders of a new regime, their rural orientation and revolutionary experiences continued to affect the political process. Lee shows that the requirements of modernization have compelled the state to replace the revolutionary cadres with bureaucratic technocrats. Selected from the postliberation generation, the new leaders are more committed to problem-solving than to socialism. Despite uncertainties in the immediate future, this elite transformation signifies an end to modern China's revolutionary era. Lee argues that it seems only a matter of time before China will have a bureaucratic-authoritarian regime led by technocrats possessing a managerial perspective and a pragmatic economic orientation.

由景跃进、陈明明和肖滨三位教授联合主编的《当代中国政府与政治》一书，致力于从经验层面系统分析当代中国政府与政治的组织结构\基本特征、运行机制及历史发展。本书从理解当代中国政府与政治的关键方面——中国共产党领导的政治体制及中国共产党本身入手，进而在横向维度上分别阐述作为最高权力机关和立法机关的人民代表大会、作为统一战线重要内容的多党合作和政治协商制度、作为最高国家行政机关的中央人民政府、作为“刀把子”的政法系统、作为“笔杆子”的宣传系统，以及作为“枪杆子”的军事系统，在纵向维度上分析中央与地方关系、地方政府、民族区域自治制度及基层治理四个方面的问题，最后，还探讨了当代中国国家与社会及国家与公民关系的变迁和发展。 本书是一部由清华大学、复旦大学、中山大学、中国人民大学、中央民族大学、华中师范大学等6所高校及中共中央编译局的13位学者组成的作者团队精心打造的精品力作。全书具有两个方面的鲜明特色：第一，将中国共产党作为理解中国政府与政治的钥匙，将“党政体制”作为理解中国政府与政治的关键词，并且认为，应当处理好宪法与党章、法律与党规、国家机构与党的组织、正式制度与政治惯例之间的互补关系，只有这样才能更好地认识和理解中国政府与政治；第二，强调历史脉络对于理解中国政府与政治的重要性，并主张应以内在发展和演化的眼光来看待中国政府与政治。

本书试图回答中国地方环境政治中的理论问题和现实问题有： ⿴政策执行偏差是如何形成的？表现出哪些环境威权主义的特征？这些特征是阻碍了还是促进了环境治理？ ⿴中央政府如何在政治、物质与道德上激励地方环境政策执行者？ ⿴有哪些地方环境政策执行的监督和反馈机制？如何运转？效果怎样？ ⿴哪些问题制约着中国环境司法监督功能的有效发挥？ ⿴如何治理地方“环保腐败”？环境信访有效率吗？ ⿴主流媒体是如何报道地方环境政策执行的？ ⿴中国的地方环境政治是怎样与世界发生连接的？ ⿴中国环境政治的转型：环境威权主义还是环境民主？ …… 本书基于田野调查中的深度访谈和文献分析，尝试跳出中国研究中的中央集权—地方分权的理论范式，以公共政策执行分析视角来描述、解释和分析环境政策执行偏差产生的机理，并以此回应环境政治学中关于环境威权主义的争论，认为政策执行偏差产生的机理深刻嵌入在威权主义系统的政治逻辑和结构中，改善中国环境治理的水平，纠正地方政策执行偏差，需要中国环境政治从威权主义向民主的转型。