What are states, and how are they made? Scholars of European history assert that war makes states, just as states make war. This study finds that in China, the challenges of governing produced a trajectory of state-building in which the processes of moral regulation and social control were at least as central to state-making as the exercise of coercive power. State-making is, in China as elsewhere, a profoundly normative and normalizing process. This study maps the complex processes of state-making, moral regulation, and social control during three critical reform periods: the Yongzheng reign (1723-1735), the Guomindang's Nanjing decade (1927-1937), and the Communist Party's Socialist Education Campaign (1962-1966). During each period, central authorities introduced--not without resistance--institutional change designed to extend the reach of central control over local political life. The successes and failures of state-building in each case rested largely upon the ability of each regime to construct itself as an autonomous moral agent both separate from and embedded in an imagined political community. Thornton offers a historical reading of the state-making process as a contest between central and local regimes of bureaucratic and discursive practice.

在本书中，高柏清楚地梳理了解释“中国谜题”的三种流派：崩溃论、民主化论和延续论，之后提出了自己的观点。中国可以被看作是魔方式的六面体，一旦一面被打破，则会出现全盘的支离破碎的景象。这六面是：威权主义国家、掠夺式国家、新自由主义国家、改进的社会主义国家、发展型国家、统合主义国家。

本书是复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院陈明明教授主编的《复旦政治学评论》最新一辑（14辑），聚焦政治学重要议题——福利国家问题，着重讨论在国家和社会转型以及经济危机时期，关于国家福利的观念、政策以及施行办法，并以丹麦、韩国、希腊为案例，具体说明国家福利在不同社会情况下如何安排落实及可能产生的危机。 * 《复旦政治学评论》为复旦大学国际关系与公共事务学院主办，学术性与思想性并重的政治研究类系列辑刊，入选CSSCI来源集刊。 * 现代国家政治的核心是对社会的保护，本辑聚焦现代福利国家制度，不同案例启示中国福利政策走向。

Chinese government officials have played a crucial role in China's economic development, but they are also responsible for severe problems, including environmental pollution, violation of citizens' rights, failure in governance, and corruption. How does the Chinese Party-state respond when a government official commits a duty-related malfeasance or criminal activity? And how does it balance the potential political costs of disciplining its own agents versus the loss of legitimacy in tolerating their misdeeds? State and Agents in China explores how the party-state addresses this dilemma, uncovering the rationale behind the selective disciplining of government officials and its implications for governance in China. By examining the discipline of state agents, Cai shows how selective punishment becomes the means of balancing the need for and difficulties of disciplining agents, and explains why some erring agents are tolerated while others are punished. Cai finds that the effectiveness of punishing erring officials in China does not depend so much on the Party-state's capacity to detect and punish each erring official but on the threat it creates when the Party-state decides to mete out punishment. Importantly, the book also shows how relaxed discipline allows reform-minded officials to use rule-violating reform measures to address local problems, and how such reform measures have significant implications for the regime's resilience.

It is widely recognized that internet technology has had a profound effect on political participation in China, but this new use of technology is not unprecedented in Chinese history. This is a pioneering work that systematically describes and analyzes the manner in which the Chinese used telegraphy during the late Qing, and the internet in the contemporary period, to participate in politics. Drawing upon insights from the fields of anthropology, history, political science, and media studies, this book historicizes the internet in China and may change the direction of the emergent field of Chinese internet studies. In contrast to previous works, this book is unprecedented in its perspective, in the depth of information and understanding, in the conclusions it reaches, and in its methodology. Written in a clear and engaging style, this book is accessible to a broad audience.

In this first scientific survey of political participation in the People's Republic of China, Tianjian Shi identifies twenty-eight participatory acts and groups them into seven areas: voting, campaign activities, appeals, adversarial activities, cronyism, resistance, and boycotts. What he finds will surprise many observers. Political participation in a closed society is not necessarily characterized by passive citizens driven by regime mobilization aimed at carrying out predetermined goals. Beijing citizens acknowledge that they actively engage in various voluntary participatory acts to articulate their interests. In a society where communication channels are controlled by the government, Shi discovers, access to information from unofficial means becomes the single most important determinant for people's engaging in participatory acts. Government-sponsored channels of appeal are easily accessible to ordinary citizens, so socioeconomic resources are unimportant in determining who uses these channels. Instead, voter turnout is found to be associated with the type of work unit a person belongs to, subjective evaluations of one's own economic status, and party affiliation. Those most likely to engage in campaign activities, adversarial activities, cronyism, resistance, and boycotts are the more disadvantaged groups in Beijing. While political participation in the West fosters a sense of identification, the unconventional modes of participation in Beijing undermine the existing political order.

China has lived with the Internet for nearly two decades. Will increased Internet use, with new possibilities to share information and discuss news and politics, lead to democracy, or will it to the contrary sustain a nationalist supported authoritarianism that may eventually contest the global information order? This book takes stock of the ongoing tug of war between state power and civil society on and off the Internet, a phenomenon that is fast becoming the centerpiece in the Chinese Communist Party's struggle to stay in power indefinitely. It interrogates the dynamics of this enduring contestation, before democracy, by following how Chinese society travels from getting access to the Internet to our time having the world's largest Internet population. Pursuing the rationale of Internet regulation, the rise of the Chinese blogosphere and citizen journalism, Internet irony, online propaganda, the relation between state and popular nationalism, and finally the role of social media to bring about China's democratization, this book offers a fresh and provocative perspective on the arguable role of media technologies in the process of democratization, by applying social norm theory to illuminate the competition between the Party-state norm and the youth/subaltern norm in Chinese media and society.

Social science theories of contentious politics have been based almost exclusively on evidence drawn from the European and American experience, and classic texts in the field make no mention of either the Chinese Communist revolution or the Cultural Revolution - surely two of the most momentous social movements of the twentieth century. Moreover, China's record of popular upheaval stretches back well beyond this century, indeed all the way back to the third century B.C. By bringing together studies of protest that span the Imperial, Republic, and Communist eras, this book introduces Chinese patterns and provides a forum to consider ways in which contentious politics in China might serve to reinforce, refine or reshape theories derived from Western cases.

How and why has China managed to develop and urbanize without the slums that dominate large cities in other poor countries the world over? Why has the Chinese Communist Party persisted in power when so many other communist and autocratic regimes have fallen? I develop a general argument about redistribution, urbanization, and regime stability based on the Chinese case. Since 2002, scholars affiliated with the Chinese Communist Party have argued that the Chinese government fears ＂Latin Americanization＂ (la mei hua), that is, highly unequal megacities and their attendant crime, slums, and social instability. In response, the Chinese government has abolished agricultural taxes and begun subsidizing rural areas. This shift is anomalous since most developing countries give preferential treatment to cities in order to reduce the threat of urban unrest. I argue that such urban favoritism is self-defeating in the long-term because it induces further urbanization, increasing the long-term risk to the regime. Nevertheless, urban bias remains endemic in the developing world because most governments do not have the luxury to think beyond the short-term. I test the implications of this argument both cross-nationally and within China using quantitative and qualitative data. Cross-national survival analysis of autocratic regimes since World War II shows that urbanization, controlling for level of economic development, negatively affects regime duration. In order to study the mechanisms at work, I used 15 months of field research in Beijing and two other provinces to delve into the Chinese case. Two sets of analyses at the national and local level respectively illustrate how the government uses fiscal and other policies to maintain social stability and to control and direct urbanization.

Received wisdom suggests that social organizations (such as non-government organizations, NGOs) have the power to upend the political status quo. However, in many authoritarian contexts, such as China, NGO emergence has not resulted in this expected regime change. In this book, Timothy Hildebrandt shows how NGOs adapt to the changing interests of central and local governments, working in service of the state to address social problems. In doing so, the nature of NGO emergence in China effectively strengthens the state, rather than weakens it. This book offers a groundbreaking comparative analysis of Chinese social organizations across the country in three different issue areas: environmental protection, HIV/AIDS prevention, and gay and lesbian rights. It suggests a new way of thinking about state-society relations in authoritarian countries, one that is distinctly co-dependent in nature: governments require the assistance of NGOs to govern while NGOs need governments to extend political, economic, and personal opportunities to exist.

过去的几十年中，全球化席卷了世界的每一个角落，为世界各国带来了空前的机遇和严峻的挑战。《全球化与中国国家转型》从国家重建的角度对全球化带给中国的政治影响以及中国的回应作了精辟而富有启迪性的分析。 作者认为，在90年代中国的背景下，全球化不仅意味着市场经济的发展，还意味着对西方国家产品的有选择的输入。中国的领导者把全球化视为重建中国国家的独特机遇。为此，他们付出巨大努力去确立一种与变动的社会经济环境相适应的新政治秩序，并重建了官僚体制以及其他重要的经济制度。作者也考察了全球化和国家重建过程中不同社会力量的反应以及他们试图参与的不同方式。全球化使中国的经济治理体制实现了根本性转型，那么是否会由此产生以“法治”为基础的政治治理结构7作者最后认为这取决于党自身的转型。

《转型中的地方政府:官员激励与治理》是从政治经济学的角度出发，探究中国国情的特殊性与发展道路的独特性，并在此基础上分析中国在改革三十年中所经历的变革和转型过程。中国的改革开放30年间，华夏大地上演了一场人类历史上的伟大变迁，世人称之为“中国奇迹” 。中国发展的历史记录、经验不同于西方国家，鉴于此，现有西方经济学理论就不能完整地解释中国发展。

Xi Chen explores the dramatic rise in social protests in China since the early 1990s. Drawing on case studies, interviews, and government records of collective petitions, this book examines how the political structure in Reform China has encouraged Chinese farmers, workers, pensioners, disabled people, and demobilized soldiers to claim their rights by staging collective protests. Challenging the conventional wisdom that authoritarian regimes always repress popular collective protest, Chen suggests that routine contentious bargaining between the government and ordinary people has actually contributed to the regime's resilience. "Xi Chen's impressive study represents the best of recent scholarship on China: conceptually innovative, empirically rich, and historically grounded. His state-centered model of 'contentious authoritarianism' sheds new light on the surge of social protest in China in recent years and, equally importantly, on why social protest does not necessarily threaten the stability of the current regime." - Bruce Dickson, George Washington University "This book highlights why China defies labeling. National leaders shun meaningful democratic reform but seem to believe that 'facilitating' and even 'routinizing' social protest help maintain stability. Infuriated folks increasingly turn to 'trouble-making' against foot-dragging local authorities but generally avoid outright confrontation. Caught in cross-cutting pressures from above and below, local government officials grudgingly accommodate popular claims to 'lawful rights and interests' even though they dispute the 'lawfulness' of such claims. Complexities like these call for innovative conceptualizations like 'contentious authoritarianism.'" - Lianjiang Li, Chinese University of Hong Kong "Xi Chen offers an illuminating analysis of one of the most intriguing features of contemporary Chinese politics: regime stability in the face of rising social protest. Through an original study of collective petitioning, Chen underscores the central role of the Chinese state in channeling and containing rampant popular unrest. The resulting 'contentious authoritarianism,' as he characterizes this unusual system, presents a challenge both to social science theories of contentious politics and to conventional assumptions about authoritarian regimes." - Elizabeth J. Perry, Henry Rosovsky Professor of Government, Harvard University "Drawing on unusual access to provincial data on collective petitions and deep engagement with the specialized literature on Chinese politics and disciplinary theories about contentious politics, Xi Chen shows how localized collective protests have been woven into the structure of government authority in China. Chen's effort to unravel this paradox and spell out its implications for both China and political sociology will become a benchmark in our understanding of China's rapidly evolving society and polity." - Andrew Walder, Stanford University

《当代中国的社会治理与政治秩序》对当代中国的社会治理来说，如何在社会发展与政治秩序之间保持合理平衡和良性互动，始终是一个难题。一方面，由于复杂的历史原因和国内外形势，整个社会的发展高度依赖于国家的强力领导，并确实取得了不凡的成就，但另一方面，快速而卓有成效的社会发展却反过来对国家的强力领导和既有的政治秩序构成严重挑战。冯仕政编著的《当代中国的社会治理与政治秩序》从逻辑与历史相统一、理论与实证相结合的思路出发，兼用定性和定量两种社会学研究方法，深入分析这一难题的形成、演变及其在组织与制度、行为与观念、遵从与抗争等多个层面的表现，揭示其中的规律、经验和教训，预测它在未来的走向，提供政策建议，并在此基础上，对当前社会学关于中国社会的分析范式做了反思。

本书以全国范围内抽样调查资料为依据，探讨“中国人想要什么样民主”，分析中国伦理主义政治文化的特征，描述不同受教育程度、不同年龄段中国人在政治观念、政治参与态度及行为、了解政治知识三个方面的不同之处，并通过与本书作者1988年的同类调查及1994年出版的《中国“政治人”》一书做比较，指出过去二十年间中国政治文化在若干方面的变化。中国人想要什么样民主？通过对全国范围内随机抽样的1750位城镇居民的调查，作者发现中国人想要的民主是：德治优先于法治，重视实质和内容优先于重视形式和程序，协商优先于表决，解决反腐败和群众监督政府问题优先于保障公民权利和自由，中国人自己的而不是外国的民主。

Do our ideas about social movements travel successfully beyond the democratic West? Unrest in China, from the dramatic events of 1989 to more recent stirrings, offers a rare opportunity to explore this question and to consider how popular contention unfolds in places where speech and assembly are tightly controlled. The contributors to this volume, all prominent scholars of Chinese politics and society, argue that ideas inspired by social movements elsewhere can help explain popular protest in China. Drawing on fieldwork in China, the authors consider topics as varied as student movements, protests by angry workers and taxi drivers, recruitment to Protestant house churches, cyberprotests, and anti-dam campaigns. Their work relies on familiar concepts—such as political opportunity, framing, and mobilizing structures—while interrogating the usefulness of these concepts in a country with a vastly different history of class and state formation than the capitalist West. The volume also speaks to “silences” in the study of contentious politics (for example, protest leadership, the role of grievances, and unconventional forms of organization), and shows that well-known concepts must at times be modified to square with the reality of an authoritarian, non-western state.

改革的成败，不止取决于改革的决心，更在于改革如何跨越障碍，如何落实具体决议和措施。 既得利益群体对新一轮改革的阻碍如何克服，什么样的利益逻辑才会生效？改革的新一轮动力应从何处寻找？制度创新能够带来什么样的红利，为什么又困难重重？面对美国和亚洲其他国家的威胁，中国在政治、经济和外交上，又该如何决策？…… 著名中国问题专家郑永年教授，以其一贯客观立场、犀利观点、尖锐表述，针对中国改革中存在的每一个具体问题，都给出了细致详尽的客观分析和各种可行的解决之道。 他认为，过去30多年的改革是更深层次、更全面的改革的铺垫，我们现在真正进入了改革的攻坚期，应该注意改革因动力不足而陷入僵局的潜在问题。在改革困难重重的情况下，作者主张通过开放新的空间来改革旧的体制，通过培植新的利益来克服既得利益，通过释放社会和地方的潜力来化解官僚体制的惰性，通过保护社会来促进社会转型。他一面热情洋溢地用英文向世界介绍中国，让世界了解中国；一面用中文尖锐地指出问题，坦陈建议。

来自社会运动、非政府组织、民主政治以及公民社会研究等领域的国际专家，在对大量绿色行动主义和环境类公民社会组织进行案例研究的基础上，共同撰写完成了本书。 中国政治体系的二重性是中国社会行动主义嵌入性本质的基础。书稿在嵌入式行动的前提假设下，对中国转型期间与政府组织（如工青妇、民主党派工商联等）相对应的非政府组织的生成、发展及运作进行了考察，对中国方兴未艾的环境保护行动进行了多角度的实证分析，诸如内蒙古乌申昭的“草原大寨”运动及其后的生态修复，云南省怒江大坝上马还是下马的论争，上海绿园新村社区保护居民利益、维护生态安全的绿色行动，中俄边境两国非政府组织围绕生态安全的博弈与妥协以及中国非政府组织国际合作的机会、挑战、风险与收益等。资料丰富、视角独特，论证详实，读者能从不同的研究视角得到启发。