关于内容 有“驴象之争”之称的美国总统大选，每四年一次，由最初的君子之争，发展成民主党和共和党间的轰轰烈烈的激烈角逐，成为“世界上最大的民主竞技”。常言道“外行看热闹，内行看门道”，让我们进入本书一起浏览其制度、现实、历史和故事吧！

在本书中，作者反对联邦党人的思想和原则进行的精彩的介绍。尽管没有一种一致的反联邦党人思想，作者还是力图找出反联邦党人思想的根本之处，并揭示出反联邦党人的三个核心考虑。具体来说，它们分别是：人民对政府的自愿依赖，因此带来的人民对法律的自愿遵守；政府对人民的责任；以及何种类型的公民会坚持共和同政府。反联邦党人面临这样的困境：既要支持强大的美利坚共和国，又要维护较小的进行自我治理的共同体。在本书中，反联邦党人立场的矛盾之处第一次被系统地加以讨论，作者 全面阐述使我们得以重新理解反联邦党人在美国建国过程中的作用，以及他们对美国政治生活和主题和紧张所具有的持续影响。

该书通过“风雨洗礼国会山”、“高低贵贱论两院”、“议员不听党的话”、“想当主席熬白头”等诸多方面，叙述了国会山的概况。

美国社会的“反智主义”传统，是一个“充分的民主社会”的必然产物：一个大字不识的人，无论从政治权利还是政治人格上，和一位获诺贝尔奖得主都是平起平坐。这种传统如果运用得当，就能够挑战、制衡精英主义，突破知识阶层的既得利益所制造的文化霸权，保持社会的原创力和民主的草根性。

《论美国的民主(最新全译本)》是法国政治学家、社会学家托克维尔在美国进行长期考察后写出的一部举世公认的世界名著。《论美国的民主(最新全译本)》前半部分包括美国的种族状况、英裔移民带到北美的影响、美国联邦制的优点以及与其他国家联邦制的比较、联邦政府与各州政府的关系、政党产生的原因、政治社团的作用、舆论的作用等方面；中心思想是阐明美国的民主、自由、平等是如何在政治生活和社会生活中体现的。下半部分是以美国的民主思想和美国的民情为背景分析了美国人的哲学观念、宗教思想、科学理论、文学、艺术、社会心理、民族性格等方面。

所谓“布什主义”，就是一个大政府的保守主义。这在美国的政治传统中，是个前所未闻的异类。从里根到1990年代的众议院领袖金里奇，共和党－向主张小政府、限制联邦权力。然而，在布什任上，联邦政府已经扩张到了充林顿时代也无法企及的程度。与“里根主义”的消极政府的哲学相反，“布什上义”主张政府替天行道，甚至个惜侵犯州权……在布什手上，小政府的共和党转化为人政府的共和党。...

Hank Paulson has dealt with China unlike any other foreigner. As head of Goldman Sachs, Paulson had a pivotal role in opening up China to private enterprise. Then, as Treasury secretary, he created the Strategic Economic Dialogue with what is now the world's second-largest economy. He negotiated with China on needed economic reforms, while safeguarding the teetering U.S. financial system. Over his career, Paulson has worked with scores of top Chinese leaders, including Xi Jinping, China's most powerful man in decades. In DEALING WITH CHINA, Paulson draws on his unprecedented access to modern China's political and business elite, including its three most recent heads of state, to answer several key questions: How did China become an economic superpower so quickly? How does business really get done there? What are the best ways for Western business and political leaders to work with, compete with, and benefit from China? How can the U.S. negotiate with and influence China given its authoritarian rule, its massive environmental concerns, and its huge population's unrelenting demands for economic growth and security? Written in the same anecdote-rich, page-turning style as Paulson's bestselling memoir, On the Brink, DEALING WITH CHINA is certain to become the classic and definitive examination of how to engage China's leaders as they build their economic superpower.

这本书的中心人物是一群自称“火神派”的人，他们是鲍威尔、拉姆斯菲尔德、赖斯、沃尔福威茨、切尼和阿米蒂奇，都曾经或现在仍然是布什政府中的显要甚或支柱人物。该书通过追溯这些人物的经历和思想历程，力图展现给我们布什政府外交政策的来源--在“9？11”之后的美国重大外交决策中，诸如发动伊拉克战争，这些决定是怎么出台的?这本书告诉我们，这些重大决策出台的前因后果甚至可以一直追溯到三十年前。“火神派”的哪些经历影响了布什政府的外交政策?他们的思想是如何形成的?“火神派”的决策和“9'11”后的选择掩盖的，是怎样的本能、态度和经历呢?我们可以在“火神派“前三十几年的经历和思想中，找到这些问题的答案。 作者在采访了众多当事人的基础上，披露了许多鲜为人知的决策细节，语言诙谐生动，研究透彻、分析犀利，堪称一部杰出的政治人物史书，同时也是一部极有学术研究价值的上乘之作。

在这本万众瞩目的回忆录里，约翰•肯尼迪总统最亲密的白宫幕僚特德•索伦森，首次向读者完整呈现了他辅佐肯尼迪的亲身经历。 那是美国历史上最具戏剧色彩的激情岁月。 索伦森以细腻的笔触，将他为肯尼迪总统参谋献策的特殊经历娓娓道来，在肯尼迪最关键的政治岁月里：登月计划、猪湾事件、古巴导弹危机、民权法案等……首次核战争一触即发的敏感时刻，年仅34岁的索伦森被肯尼迪委以重任，起草了重要密函给当时的苏联领导人赫鲁晓夫。 政海浮沉，尔虞我诈，索伦森始终没有失去对理想的追求，为促进和捍卫社会的自由和平鞠躬尽瘁，这也正是他走向华盛顿走向白宫的初衷。 《总统幕僚》独树一帜，是一部众人翘首以盼的宏篇巨作，它发人深省，昭示历史，使读者为之折服。作者的人生堪称一部传奇，可以说正是他塑造了肯尼迪总统，成就了美国最伟大的一代总统的丰功伟绩。

The Audacity of Hope is Barack Obama's call for a new kind of politics—a politics that builds upon those shared understandings that pull us together as Americans. Lucid in his vision of America's place in the world, refreshingly candid about his family life and his time in the Senate, Obama here sets out his political convictions and inspires us to trust in the dogged optimism that has long defined us and that is our best hope going forward.

从卡尔•罗夫涉足政坛的那一刻起，他就掀起了轩然大波。罗夫在21岁时便开始管理起全国性的组织“大学共和党人”，并将此前由民主党人控制的德克萨斯变成了共和党的阵营。通过罢免一位广受欢迎的民主党州长，他令布什在全国范围内声名大噪；接下来，他又在选民们并没有充分的理由赶走时任执政党的情况下成功策划了大老党（共和党的别称）在白宫的胜利。由于成功设计了一场看似不可能的胜利，罗夫开始以“建筑师”的称号闻名。 因为罗夫的成功，他的整个职业生涯一直屡受攻击，受到的指控从选举欺诈到意识形态的分歧——几乎涵盖了所有方面。在这本坦率的回忆录里，罗夫回应了这些批评，激昂地坦陈了他的政治哲学，对自己在选战中和白宫里作出的一些抉择进行了辩护。他为迎面而来的论战作出了反应——从他在布什与参议员约翰•麦凯恩在南卡罗来纳州的争辩中所扮演的角色到对于布什在伊拉克问题上误导了美国的指控。在试图澄清事实的过程中，罗夫将在私底里愤世嫉俗或行为不端的民主党人揭示了出来，当然，也包括一些在关键时刻立场不坚定的共和党人。 《勇气与结局》也是由现代最能制造新闻热点的总统身边的高层人士所做的私密描述。罗夫带着读者们走到了很多事件的幕后：比如2000年总统选举时的激烈对决；9•11事件里在空军一号上的紧张时刻以及关于对阿富汗和伊拉克的宣战；2004年总统改选时得来不易的胜利；还有他为应对特别检察官帕特里克•菲茨杰拉德提起的起诉而辩护的痛苦的三年。在这一过程中，他详细说明了怎样才能赢得选举以及竞选成功后如何进行有效的管理。 罗夫对于他在白宫西翼及选战中所犯的的错误显得很坦率，也坦白的陈述了早年让他心碎的家庭生活。然而《勇气与结果》主要讲述的是将一生奉献于保守党事业、政治斗争以及为人民服务时的喜悦——无论其代价是什么。

WINNER OF THE NATIONAL BOOK CRITICS CIRCLE AWARD, THE LOS ANGELES TIMES BOOK PRIZE, THE MARK LYNTON HISTORY PRIZE, THE AMERICAN HISTORY BOOK PRIZE NAMED BY THE NEW YORK TIMES ONE OF THE TEN BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY The Economist * Time *Newsweek * Foreign Policy * Business Week * The Week * The Christian Science Monitor *Newsday By the two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning author of The Power Broker. Book Four of Robert A. Caro’s monumental The Years of Lyndon Johnson displays all the narrative energy and illuminating insight that led the Times of London to acclaim it as “one of the truly great political biographies of the modern age. A masterpiece.” The Passage of Power follows Lyndon Johnson through both the most frustrating and the most triumphant periods of his career—1958 to1964. It is a time that would see him trade the extraordinary power he had created for himself as Senate Majority Leader for what became the wretched powerlessness of a Vice President in an administration that disdained and distrusted him. Yet it was, as well, the time in which the presidency, the goal he had always pursued, would be thrust upon him in the moment it took an assassin’s bullet to reach its mark. By 1958, as Johnson began to maneuver for the presidency, he was known as one of the most brilliant politicians of his time, the greatest Senate Leader in our history. But the 1960 nomination would go to the young senator from Massachusetts, John F. Kennedy. Caro gives us an unparalleled account of the machinations behind both the nomination and Kennedy’s decision to offer Johnson the vice presidency, revealing the extent of Robert Kennedy’s efforts to force Johnson off the ticket. With the consummate skill of a master storyteller, he exposes the savage animosity between Johnson and Kennedy’s younger brother, portraying one of America’s great political feuds. Yet Robert Kennedy’s overt contempt for Johnson was only part of the burden of humiliation and isolation he bore as Vice President. With a singular understanding of Johnson’s heart and mind, Caro describes what it was like for this mighty politician to find himself altogether powerless in a world in which power is the crucial commodity. For the first time, in Caro’s breathtakingly vivid narrative, we see the Kennedy assassination through Lyndon Johnson’s eyes. We watch Johnson step into the presidency, inheriting a staff fiercely loyal to his slain predecessor; a Congress determined to retain its power over the executive branch; and a nation in shock and mourning. We see how within weeks—grasping the reins of the presidency with supreme mastery—he propels through Congress essential legislation that at the time of Kennedy’s death seemed hopelessly logjammed and seizes on a dormant Kennedy program to create the revolutionary War on Poverty. Caro makes clear how the political genius with which Johnson had ruled the Senate now enabled him to make the presidency wholly his own. This was without doubt Johnson’s finest hour, before his aspirations and accomplishments were overshadowed and eroded by the trap of Vietnam. In its exploration of this pivotal period in Johnson’s life—and in the life of the nation— The Passage of Power is not only the story of how he surmounted unprecedented obstacles in order to fulfill the highest purpose of the presidency but is, as well, a revelation of both the pragmatic potential in the presidency and what can be accomplished when the chief executive has the vision and determination to move beyond the pragmatic and initiate programs designed to transform a nation. It is an epic story told with a depth of detail possible only through the peerless research that forms the foundation of Robert Caro’s work, confirming Nicholas von Hoffman’s verdict that “Caro has changed the art of political biography.”

对《无可致歉》的赞誉 共和党是时候达成共识了，我相信罗姆尼是美国总统的最佳人选。罗姆尼将会勒紧奥巴马失控开支的缰绳，并让美国联邦财政回归平衡，他已经列明将削减或取消的政府项目，他将修剪臃肿的联邦政府机构。这些目标的达成需要艰难的工作以及成功商业人士的沟通技巧。这显然是为什么我们需要罗姆尼这样具有金融背景和商业经验的人来管理这个国家的原因。 ——唐纳德•特朗普，《华盛顿邮报》 绝大部分共和党人将会无视对贝恩资本的批评，因为一般来说他们认可成功的商业人士。这种情况在总统大选中将会发生改变。如果罗姆尼以强硬的态度面对这个问题，那么对他选情的帮助将是巨大的。罗姆尼应该让千千万万的美国人听到他这方面的声音。 ——卡尔•罗夫，《华尔街日报》 罗姆尼通过《无可致歉》向大家展现了这样的形象：一位在私营部门有着成功经历的，有着跨党派合作历史的，稳定而灵活的专家型政治家。 ——马克•哈普林，《纽约时报》 我们很多人上次见到米特•罗姆尼，还是2008年的冬天，那时他的第一次总统竞选旅程已经结束。从那时起，萨拉•佩林和麦克•哈克比作为2012年大选的潜在候选人经常在公众视野中抛头露面，而罗姆尼远离了聚光灯。但是2010年他的新书《无可致歉》的出版，毫无疑问的说明他利用那段时间准备大选，重启了对白宫的挑战。 ——亚历克斯•阿特曼，《时代周刊》 在《无可致歉》中，米特•罗姆尼坚称不管是对美国自身的繁荣，还是对世界的繁荣而言，美国的力量是其根本。中国以及复苏中的俄罗斯对美国在很多方面的领先优势造成竞争压力，激进伊斯兰组织不断增强他们的威胁，面对这些挑战，美国无需为自己拥有的自由道歉，而应该明智地利用这些自由。 美 国需要更新解决复杂问题的和恢复美国活力的新思想。罗姆尼创新和勇敢地提出了恢复经济活力的解决方案，创造好的工作岗位，减少失控的福利和医疗保险开支，大力发展教育，以及重建经受多年战争创伤的军队。最重要的是，他号召美国人分担新的公民责任，分享共同的使命，而不是提出一大串私人要求。他的很多解决方案是对奥巴马总统的政策反对，也有的和共和党人的观念相反，但只有一个战略性目标：增强美国的力量，保持美国在全球的领先。 从个人的角度看，《无可致歉》讲述了罗姆尼自己的人生故事，同时也是一个人对行动的号召，他深深地关心美国的历史、承诺和未来。

President Bill Clinton's "My Life" is the strikingly candid portrait of a global leader who decided in early life to devote his intellectual and political gifts, and his extraordinary capacity for hard work, to serving the public. It is the fullest, most concretely detailed, most nuanced account of a presidency ever written, and a testament to the positive impact on America and on the world of his work and his ideals. Here is the life of a great national and international figure, revealed with all his talents and contradictions. Filled with fascinating moments and insights, it is told openly, directly, in President Clinton's completely recognizable voice. 'Bill Clinton has given an unprecedented story of a White House life and the roads that led to it' - Peter Stothard, "The Times". 'You can't help but feel you're in the company, one on one, of the man himself, the narrative is engaging, the accounts of high-wire diplomacy - are all riveting' - Jonathan Freedland, "Guardian". 'His book tells, in an extraordinary way, a truly heartening story of American democracy' - Peter Jay, "Evening Standard".

美国历史上就是一个危险的国家，扩张成性。美国的外交传统就是干涉，这个危险的国家从小就不老实。在美国野心勃勃的扩张后面是美国自立国之初就拥有的关于世界和人性的一整套独特的理想和理念，正是这套理想和理念让美国变成危险的国家。 从美国立国的理念派生出来的理想主义和干涉主义对美国外交的影响要远远大干现实主义和孤立主义，前者才是美国外交政策的主流和大方向，而后者从来就不是美国外交政策的传统。 《危险的国家》是了解美国在世界上作用的一部重要著作，卡根关于美国外交政策传统的观察，为人们理解美国外交政策，特别是意识形态在外交政策中的作用，提供了一个新的况角。