一九八○年代台灣地區曾屢次出現規模不同的社會運動，但過去一直缺乏對此現象實際且深入的了解。本書不僅提出一些假設，也應用資料、數據、訪談等方法，有系統地去探討台灣地區的社會運動。發現除了政治資源對社會運動風潮的動員影響外，也看出其他的力量在特定的環境條件下，可以具備相當的影響能力。

Review "Quite often, it seems, a great idea is obvious -- but only after it is introduced by an innovative thinker. That the outcome of repression and resistance is conditioned by the case-specific context of the struggle and that therefore it is the interaction that we must investigate should be obvious to everyone after reading Boudreau's work. A brilliant study of dictatorship, resistance, and democratization..."-Robert Lawless, Journal of Third World Studies "a major study whose greatest strength is its ability to link forms of authoritarian rule (with a particular emphasis on authoritarians' ways of taking power and initial repression of society) with the subsequent development of opposition. For students of Southeast Asian politics and scholars generally interested in regime types, oppostion protest and social movements, this is truly a must read." - Mark R. Thompson, University of Erlangen-Nuernberg Product Description Vince Boudreau's book compares state repression in three post-war dictatorships under Burma's Ne Win, Indonesia's Suharto and the Philippines' Ferdinand Marcos. In each case the dictator faced distinct social challenges and responded with specifically tailored repressive strategies. These strategies shaped the resources, social bases and opposition cultures available to dissidents and in turn influenced the effectiveness of that opposition. The author balances his first-hand research in the countries in question with the social movements literature to consider the long-term interactions between the regimes and their societies in the wake of repression, and the emergence of the democracy movements which followed. This is a thought-provoking book, which offers one of the first truly comparative studies on dictatorship, resistance and democracy in South East Asia. As such, it will be invaluable to students, as well as to those involved in policy making and commentating on the region.

最壞的年代，最強的公民力量。 「公民行動影音紀錄資料庫」絕對嚴選 ──台灣公民行動的首部入門攻略。 羅世宏 X 劉靜怡 X 何明修 專序推薦 王小棣 X 李惠仁 X 吳朋奉 X 陳信聰 X 張茂桂 阿信（五月天） X 阿達（農村武裝青年） 手牽手挺身支持 向社運夢想家致敬，為台灣公民行動備忘── 你期待這片土地成為什麼樣子？ 那些發生在生活之中，與你息息相關的生存議題： 如果你住的房子被納入都市更新徵收計畫？ 如果你吃的稻米以科技園區所排廢水灌溉？ 如果美麗的海岸線遭建商獨占，開始收費？ 如果智慧型電子產品之製造依賴血汗勞動？ 台灣重要社會議題，與新時代公民行動的紀錄專書。 選錄土地、環境、勞工、族群、性別等重要議題， 清楚陳述事件行動與年表紀事， 揭露主流媒體忽略之關鍵時刻。 新世紀台灣的公民覺醒運動，已經開始。

Emotions are back. Once at the center of the study of politics, emotions have receded into the shadows during the past three decades, with no place in the rationalistic, structural, and organizational models that dominate academic political analysis. With this new collection of essays, Jeff Goodwin, James M. Jasper, and Francesca Polletta reverse this trend, reincorporating emotions such as anger, indignation, fear, disgust, joy, and love into research on politics and social protest. The tools of cultural analysis are especially useful for probing the role of emotions in politics, the editors and contributors to "Passionate Politics" argue. Moral outrage, the shame of spoiled collective identities, or the joy of imagining a new and better society, are not automatic responses to events. Rather, they are related to moral institutions, felt obligations and rights, and information about expected effects, all of which are culturally and historically variable. With its look at the history of emotions in social thought, examination of the internal dynamics of protest groups, and exploration of the emotional dynamics that arise from interactions and conflicts among political factions and individuals, "Passionate Politics" will lead the way toward an overdue reconsideration of the role of emotions in social movements and politics generally. Contributors: Rebecca Anne Allahyari Edwin Amenta Collin Barker Mabel Berezin Craig Calhoun Randall Collins Frank Dobbin Jeff Goodwin Deborah B. Gould Julian McAllister Groves James M. Jasper Anne Kane Theodore D. Kemper Sharon Erickson Nepstad Steven Pfaff Francesca Polletta Christian Smith Arlene Stein Nancy Whittier Elisabeth Jean Wood Michael P. Young

Review "It's hard to imagine how this volume could be improved. The organizing framework is terrific and the cast of characters is a virtual 'who's who' of social movement scholars. All in all, a wonderful addition to the bookshelf of any social movement analyst." Doug McAdam, Stanford University "A comprehensive survey of the current state of the art in Social Movement Studies, and launch pad for future work. Indispensible." Colin Barker, Manchester Metropolitan University “It’s hard to imagine how this volume could be improved. The organizing framework is terrific and the cast of characters is a virtual ‘who’s who’ of social movement scholars. All in all, a wonderful addition to the bookshelf of any social movement analyst.” Doug McAdam, Stanford University “A comprehensive survey of the current state of the art in Social Movement Studies, and launch pad for future work. Indispensible.” Colin Barker, Manchester Metropolitan University Product Description The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements is a compilation of original, state-of-the-art essays by internationally recognized scholars. Covering a diverse range of topics in the field of social movement studies, this volume offers an illuminating guide to understanding the dynamics and operation of social movements within the modern, global world. The abundance of social movement activity throughout the world, both violent and nonviolent, has made the study of social movements a valuable resource for helping students and scholars to engage and understand their own social world. Issues covered in this one volume include: historical, political, and cultural contexts; leadership; organizational dynamics; social networks and participation; consequences and outcomes; and synthetic overviews of major social movements, including labor, anti-war, women’s, religious, ethnic and national, and environmental movements. This outstanding resource offers the most comprehensive discussion of social movements available.

本书是由美国政治学家玛格丽特·E.凯克和凯瑟琳·辛金克合著，2000年荣获美国路易斯维尔大学颁发的格劳梅耶奖，是一部颇有理论建树的力作。 本书综合社会运动，国际关系和比较政治等多年学科理论，以建构主义的视角探讨了非政府组织在国际政治中发挥作用的途径及其产生的影响。作者在书中通过对所选择的历史先例以及人权运动、环境保护运动和保护妇女权利运动三方面个案的详尽论述，深入地阐明了自已提出的有关政府组织的理论。本书1998年出版后便声誉鹊起，成为国际关系以及人权、环境保护和妇女问题研究领域的必读著作。

This book contains the products of work carried out over four decades of research in Italy, France and the United States, and in the intellectual territory between social movements, comparative politics, and historical sociology. Using a variety of methods ranging from statistical analysis to historical case studies to linguistic analysis, the book centers on historical catalogs of protest events and cycles of collective action. Sidney Tarrow places social movements in the broader arena of contentious politics, in relation to states, political parties and other actors. From peasants and communists in 1960s Italy, to movements and politics in contemporary western polities, to the global justice movement in the new century, the book argues that contentious actors are neither outside of nor completely within politics, but rather they occupy the uncertain territory between total opposition and integration into policy.

Classical images of state-socialism developed in contemporary social sciences were founded on simple presuppositions. State-socialist regimes were considered to be politically stable due to their pervasive institutional and ideological control over the everyday lives of their citizens, impervious to reform and change, and representative of extreme political and economic dependency. Despite their contrasting historical experiences, they have been treated as basically identical in their institutional design, social and economic structures, and policies. Grzegorz Ekiert challenges this notion in a comparative analysis of the major political crises in post-1945 East Central Europe: Hungary (1956-63), Czechoslovakia (1968-76), and Poland (1980-89). The author maintains that the nature and consequences of these crises can better explain the distinctive experiences of East Central European countries under communist rule than can the formal characteristics of their political and economic systems or their politically dependent status. He explores how political crises reshaped party-state institutions, redefined relations between party and state institutions, altered the relationship between the state and various groups and organizations within society, and modified the political practices of these regimes. He shows how these events transformed cultural categories, produced collective memories, and imposed long-lasting constraints on mass political behavior and the policy choices of ruling elites. These crises shaped the political evolution of the region, produced important cross-national differences among state-socialist regimes, and contributed to the distinctive patterns of their collapse.

In recent years China has been remarkable in achieving extraordinary economic transformation, yet without fundamental political change. To many observers this would seem to imply a weakness in Chinese civil society. However, though the idea of democracy as multitudes of citizens taking to the streets may be attractive, it is simultaneously misleading as it disregards the nature of political change taking place in China today: a gradual shift towards a polity adapted to a pluralist society. At the same time, one may wonder what the limited political space implies for the development of a social movement in China. This book explores this question by focusing on one of the most active areas of Chinese civil society: the environment. China’s Embedded Activism argues that China’s semi-authoritarian limitations on the freedom of association and speech, coupled with increased social spaces for civic action has created a milieu in which activism occurs in an embedded fashion. The semi-authoritarian atmosphere is restrictive of, but paradoxically, also conducive to nationwide, collective action with less risk of social instability and repression at the hand of the governing elite. Rich in case studies about environmental civic organizations in China, and written by a team of international experts on social movements, NGOs, democratization, and civil society, this book addresses a wide readership of students, scholars and professionals interested in development, geography and environment, political change, and contemporary Chinese society

Although academics have paid much attention to contentious politics in China and elsewhere, research on the outcomes of social protests, both direct and indirect, in non-democracies is still limited. In this new work, Yongshun Cai combines original fieldwork with secondary sources to examine how social protest has become a viable method of resistance in China and, more importantly, why some collective actions succeed while others fail. Cai looks at the collective resistance of a range of social groups—peasants to workers to homeowners—and explores the outcomes of social protests in China by adopting an analytical framework that operationalizes the forcefulness of protestor action and the cost-benefit calculations of the government. He shows that a protesting group's ability to create and exploit the divide within the state, mobilize participants, or gain extra support directly affects the outcome of its collective action. Moreover, by exploring the government's response to social protests, the book addresses the resilience of the Chinese political system and its implications for social and political developments in China.

How do we explain the surprising trajectory of the Chinese Communist revolution? Why has it taken such a different route from its Russian prototype? An answer, Elizabeth Perry suggests, lies in the Chinese Communists' creative development and deployment of cultural resources - during their revolutionary rise to power and afterwards. Skillful "cultural positioning" and "cultural patronage," on the part of Mao Zedong, his comrades and successors, helped to construct a polity in which a once alien Communist system came to be accepted as familiarly "Chinese." Perry traces this process through a case study of the Anyuan coal mine, a place where Mao and other early leaders of the Chinese Communist Party mobilized an influential labor movement at the beginning of their revolution, and whose history later became a touchstone of "political correctness" in the People's Republic of China. Once known as "China's Little Moscow," Anyuan came over time to symbolize a distinctively Chinese revolutionary tradition. Yet the meanings of that tradition remain highly contested, as contemporary Chinese debate their revolutionary past in search of a new political future.

本书依据国际劳工运动大量的新数据库，对劳工运动进行了长历史时段和全球范围的研究，揭示出19世纪晚期以来地方的劳工运动与国际范围内的政治、经济、社会进程是相关的。通过对所选的全球工业一种有深度的、实证性的分析，分析了劳工运动的重心在国家之间转移，以及与生产的地理分布的关系。

简介： 从法国革命、美国革命到19世纪的民主运动和工人运动,直到今日的民族和宗教运动,社会运动对政治和社会产生了有力的影响。本书考察了社会运动的历史,提出了一种集体行动理论,以阐释社会运动的兴衰,为影响个人生活、政策改革和政治制度的运动力量提供了解读。本书不仅论及文化、组织和个人方面的运动力量源头,还特别强调了社会运动作为政治斗争的一部分,作为政治机遇结构、国家战略和跨国扩散的变迁结果所经历的兴衰起伏。 导读： 《运动中的力量》是一部极其重要的著作,它综合了社会运动与革命研究方面的各种文献,行文流畅,见解丰富……无疑将赢得广泛的读者和持久的生命。 ——道格·麦克亚当 马克斯·韦伯视理论的本质为“创造清晰的概念”,如果此见不谬,则塔罗的书堪称理论珍宝。它对于社会运动研究的贡献,堪与韦伯在宗教社会学方面的贡献媲美。 ——戴维·L.拉廷 前 言 1993年《运动中的力量》第一版完成以后,在斗争政治和社会运动领域又发生了很多事件,其数量之多超过了20世纪60年代晚期以来任何一个五年内的事件总和。尽管1989年有些社会主义国家解体了,但其教训尚不足以立刻在学术性著作中得到反映。那些以和平为主的运动造成的却是若干国家的不稳定,有时还引发反复无常的暴力运动,甚至在前南斯拉夫导致一场野蛮的国内战争。所以,我在本版中试图把从这些转变中得来的教训也吸纳进来。 1989年和其后发生的事件虽然也证明了我在第一版最后一章中的某些暗示,却不能支持跨国斗争迅速扩散这一论点。我对无国界之分的运动世界的预测,仍然持谨慎的态度。不过,特别在西欧,越来越多的证据表明,欧洲联盟可能会引发新一浪跨国运动。甚至在西方国家之外,跨国倡议网络也已在某些方面类似于本书所研究的主要对象——民族社会运动。这些变化如此显著,本版为此特别单列了一章进行论述。 其实,自《运动中的力量》第一版发表以来,研究社会运动和斗争政治的学者一直很活跃。在欧洲和北美以及越来越多的其他地区,新的研究专著和论文集以极快的速度不断涌现。在这一发展中的研究领域,好几套新丛书已经面世,同时还出现了一本完全致力于斗争政治研究的新杂志——《动员》(Mobilization)。我因此得以在本版中借鉴若干最近发表的著作,如唐纳泰拉·德拉·波塔(Donatella della Porta)所著《社会运动、政治暴力和国家》、伯特·克兰德曼斯(Bert Klandermans)所著《抗议的社会心理学》、汉斯皮特·克瑞埃西(Hanspeter Kriesi)和他的合作者所著《西欧新社会运动的政治》、阿尔贝托·梅卢齐(Alberto Melucci)所著《挑战规则》和查尔斯·蒂利(Charles Tilly)所著《英国的群众斗争》。本书第二章的结构与剑桥出版的一本比较政治研究论文集《对社会运动的比较观察》相近,这得感谢该论文集的编辑者道格·麦克亚当(Doug McAdam)、约翰·D.麦卡锡(John D.McCathy)和梅耶·N.扎尔德(Mayer N.Zald)。 我们是否正生活于一个“运动社会”?对于这个问题,我始终没有说自己知道答案。不过,我在新的结尾中提出了若干问题,并对它们的含意进行了解释,比我五年前说得更透彻。而如果说本版有助于向研究社会运动的专家和学者阐明运动社会的问题,那在很大程度上要归功于我和戴维·迈耶(David Meyer)在出版最新论文集《走向一个运动社会:新世纪的教训》时的合作。此外,我还得感谢马克·利齐巴奇(Mark Lichbach)和汤姆·罗尚(Tom Rochon),他们为本版的初稿提供了颇具文化敏感和睿智合理的评论。 随着新的社会运动在世界上的产生,学者们不断进行新的探究,我个人的观点也随之起了变化。自《运动中的力量》第一版问世以来,我一直试图了解社会运动理论是如何延伸到对斗争政治的一般研究、西方民主之外的领域和对革命的综合研究中的。为此,我参加了一个联系密切的学者研究网络,并获益匪浅。我和其他学者在梅隆基金会和行为科学高级研究中心的支持下,合作研究斗争政治。我们共同思考,不论是年轻的,还是年长的,互相启发,最终使我形成了自己的思想。特别是在这个项目中与我合作的麦克和T2两位,他们帮助我进一步澄清了社会运动和斗争政治之间的概念关系;为此,我很感谢他们。

本书旨在对以下中心议题作出回答：政权的变化和变异是如何对集体诉求的伸张形式——斗争政治——产生影响的？作者从历史与现实的斗争事件中撷取了大量的案例——从17世纪法国的袭击军队事件到20世纪秘鲁的政治转型、南非的反种族隔离运动、卢旺达的种族屠杀，直至21世纪的恐怖活动、集体暴力、内战和跨国社会运动——并结合其有关政权之政府权能与民主程度的类型学划分，向读者展现了近两百年来世界范围内的斗争政治变迁及其与政权发展之间复杂动态的因果关联。

本书以社会治安综合治理作为研究的主要对象。本书计划回答三个基本问题。首先，面对由市场改革带来的社会不满与集体抗争，中国政府采取了哪些维护稳定的办法。第二个问题，在维稳力度不断加大的情况之下，为什么已有的维政策执行起来效果不佳。第三个问题将与预设的理论前提相呼应，那就是现有的维稳政策会对市场经济、公民社会、司法体制与政治制度产生什么影响，这些影响是强化还是弱化三大系统的维稳功能？ 本书由四个部分组成：第一部分即第一章是综合治理的社会背景；第二部分是关于综合治理的政策构成，由四章组成；第三部分包括从第六章到第九章，是关于综合治理的维持机制的，它们是综合治理行动的基础；第四部分由第十章和结论构成，主要是对综合治理行动与机制的分析以及分析基础上的结论归纳。

《台灣社會運動再出發》是一本動員當前台灣十大社會運動，集結近百個社運團體代表，在十場分組論壇、一場南部會議和一次全國大會師後，共同集思廣益所呈現的集體智慧和心聲，對2008年第二次政黨輪替後的社會分歧和政治不信任，發出了為另一波社會改革而再出發的行動宣言。第一篇總論有四章，剖析社會運動的挑戰、突破和再出發的時代意義，透過公民社會新動力的宣言，揭櫫十大社會運動的未來訴求；第二篇共二十章，評述十大社運的自我診斷和未來策略；附錄則詳載了參與社運團體的重要資料，以及2篇對台灣新民主和第三部門發展趨勢的觀察論述。

This volume provides an account of how Chinese individuals, increasingly free from the constraints of the state, have to rely on their own efforts to support their well-being, and how, in certain circumstances, they must gather together to defend their interests. Complicating the internal and external factors behind the relationship between the individualization of society and the emergence of collective movements, the contributors suggest that specific protest actions taking place on the mainland and in Hong Kong have enabled both societies to expand their protest space. Ultimately, these developments lead us to reconceptualize citizenship as something practiced rather than given.

现代政治学大家的代表作之一。本书共分三个部分，分别对人、观点、团体、影响力、权力、符号、实践、职能、结构、过程进行了分析。

Since 2003, Hong Kong has witnessed a series of large-scale protests which have constituted the core of a reinvigorated pro-democracy movement. What drove tens of thousands of citizens to the street on a yearly basis to protest? What were the social and organizational bases of the protest movement? How did media and public discourses affect the protests’ formation and mobilization? How did the protesters understand their own actions and the political environment? This book tackles such questions by using a wide range of methods, including population and protest onsite surveys, media content analysis, and in-depth interviews with activists, politicians, and protest participants. It provides an account of the "self-mobilization processes" behind the historic July 1, 2003 protest, and how the protest kick-started new political dynamics and discursive contestations in the public arena which not only turned a single protest into a series of collective actions constituting a movement, but also continually shaped the movement’s characteristics and influence. The book is highly pertinent to readers interested in political development in Hong Kong, and as a case study on "the power of critical events," the book also has broad implications on the study of both media politics and social movements in general.