For more than a century, from 1900 to 2006, campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts in achieving their stated goals. By attracting impressive support from citizens, whose activism takes the form of protests, boycotts, civil disobedience, and other forms of nonviolent noncooperation, these efforts help separate regimes from their main sources of power and produce remarkable results, even in Iran, Burma, the Philippines, and the Palestinian Territories. Combining statistical analysis with case studies of specific countries and territories, Erica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan detail the factors enabling such campaigns to succeed and, sometimes, causing them to fail. They find that nonviolent resistance presents fewer obstacles to moral and physical involvement and commitment, and that higher levels of participation contribute to enhanced resilience, greater opportunities for tactical innovation and civic disruption (and therefore less incentive for a regime to maintain its status quo), and shifts in loyalty among opponents' erstwhile supporters, including members of the military establishment. Chenoweth and Stephan conclude that successful nonviolent resistance ushers in more durable and internally peaceful democracies, which are less likely to regress into civil war. Presenting a rich, evidentiary argument, they originally and systematically compare violent and nonviolent outcomes in different historical periods and geographical contexts, debunking the myth that violence occurs because of structural and environmental factors and that it is necessary to achieve certain political goals. Instead, the authors discover, violent insurgency is rarely justifiable on strategic grounds.

This book is an exploration of the new forms of social movements and protests that are erupting in the world today, from the Arab uprisings to the indignadas movement in Spain, and the Occupy Wall Street movement in the US. While these and similar social movements differ in many important ways, there is one thing they share in common: they are all interwoven inextricably with the creation of autonomous communication networks supported by the Internet and wireless communication. In this timely and important book, Manuel Castells -- the leading scholar of our contemporary networked society -- examines the social, cultural and political roots of these new social movements, studies their innovative forms of self-organization, assesses the precise role of technology in the dynamics of the movements, suggests the reasons for the support they have found in large segments of society, and probes their capacity to induce political change by influencing people's minds. Based on original fieldwork by the author and his collaborators as well as secondary sources, this book provides a path-breaking analysis of the new forms of social movements, and offers an analytical template for advancing the debates triggered by them concerning the new forms of social change and political democracy in the global network society.

社会运动和集体行为是西方社会科学界一个长盛不衰的研究领域，长期以来吸引了来自社会学、社会心理学、政治学、人类学和历史学等学科的大批研究者。本书所收的各篇论文主要反映了80年代中期以来社会学学科内有关社会运动研究的范式变迁：即从占统治地位的功利主义导向的资源动员理论向以意义建构和象征斗争为主要切入点的社会建构论的转变。这一范式转变既得益于社会学家对上述其他学科的最新理论成果（如认知心理学、文化研究和社会史）借鉴，又得益于北美资源动员理论家和欧洲新社会运动理论家之间的相互交流和批评。对于所有对社会运动和集体行为这一研究领域感举的读者来说，本书给出了研究社会运动的一个新的理论框架，这一理论框架给予社会运动中的资源动员进程和意义阐释进程以同等的重要性，在空间轴上顾及到了微观（个体的）、中观（网络或组织的）和宏观（社会文化的）的分析层次，在时间轴上又涉及了社会运动形成、发展和哀亡的生命历程，可以视为社会运动理论发展史上新的重要成果。

從1979年的美麗島事件，到2005年的機場衝突事件，當我們將這些大大小小的集會遊行視為稀鬆平常時，你是否真的理解所謂的社會運動？作為一種有意識去改造社會的集體力量，社會運動參與者是堅決的反宿命論者，他們熱切地相信自己的行動會帶來有意義的改變，愈來愈多研究者亦開始從社會運動的觀點勾勒臺灣近幾十年來的變遷。 社會運動本身即是一種複雜的現象，因此作者不預設社會運動的本質，從各種經驗現象出發，導入諸多理論觀點，容納更豐富的議題討論，一同描繪出社會運動的萬千風貌。此外，本書更以本土經驗與外國理論對話，援引臺灣社會運動的研究成果，讓抽象的概念與理論，也能融入本土的參照點！

How can we get inside popular collective struggles and explain how they work? Contentious Performances presents a distinctive approach to analyzing such struggles, drawing especially on incomparably rich evidence from Great Britain between 1758 and 1834. The book accomplishes three main things. First, it presents a logic and method for describing contentious events, occasions on which people publicly make consequential claims on each other. Second, it shows how that logic yields superior explanations of the dynamics in such events, both individually and in the aggregate. Third, it illustrates its methods and arguments by means of detailed analyses of contentious events in Great Britain from 1758 to 1834.

本书对20世纪70年代以来的威权主义政治进行了简要分析。 第一部分 社会抗争与民主转型理论 第一章 从社会运动、革命理论到抗争政治理论 一、社会运动理论 二、革命理论 三、抗争政治理论 第二章 民主转型的条件 一、过程民主 二、合法性危机 三、经济发展 四、社会结构 五、文化 六、外部环境 第三章 民主转型的模式 一、内部协定 二、内外谈判 三、民众动员 四、社会抗争 第二部分 结构因素 第四章 政治结构 一、国家类型 二、横向权力分配 三、纵向权力分配 四、决策模式 五、政治衰败 第五章 经济与社会发展 一、发展模式 二、经济结构 三、非均衡发展 四、国家干预及其后果 第六章 社会变迁 一、动力与景观 二、阶级结构 三、公民社会 四、抗衡国家 第三部分 过程与机制 第七章 抗争动员 一、机遇螺旋 二、机遇—威胁归因 三、社会利用 四、居间联系 第八章 认同构造 一、类型塑成 二、边界激活 三、居间联系 四、对象转移 第九章 抗争转变 一、扩散与效仿 二、居间联系 三、认同改变 四、精英背叛 第四部分 结论 第十章 抗争如何促进转型 一、转型催化剂：抗争的条件 二、化学反应 三、政权抵制抗争的类型差异 参考文献

The field of social movement studies has expanded dramatically over the past three decades. But as it has done so, its focus has become increasingly narrow and 'movement-centric'. When combined with the tendency to select successful struggles for study, the conceptual and methodological conventions of the field conduce to a decidedly Ptolemaic view of social movements: one that exaggerates the frequency and causal significance of movements as a form of politics. This book reports the results of a comparative study, not of movements, but of communities earmarked for environmentally risky energy projects. In stark contrast to the central thrust of the social movement literature, the authors find that the overall level of emergent opposition to the projects has been very low, and they seek to explain that variation and the impact, if any, it had on the ultimate fate of the proposed projects.

Social science theories of contentious politics have been based almost exclusively on evidence drawn from the European and American experience, and classic texts in the field make no mention of either the Chinese Communist revolution or the Cultural Revolution - surely two of the most momentous social movements of the twentieth century. Moreover, China's record of popular upheaval stretches back well beyond this century, indeed all the way back to the third century B.C. By bringing together studies of protest that span the Imperial, Republic, and Communist eras, this book introduces Chinese patterns and provides a forum to consider ways in which contentious politics in China might serve to reinforce, refine or reshape theories derived from Western cases.

「要改變社會，首先你要先改變自己，要改變自己，你就要動起來！」──小熊英二 福澤諭吉之後，日本重量級社會思想家 中央公論新社新書大賞第1名 反安保學運社團SEALDs選書 李惠仁 紀錄片導演 吳叡人 中研院台灣史研究所副研究員 沈清楷 哲學星期五創辦人、輔仁大學哲學系助理教授 何明修 台灣大學社會系教授 柯一正 導演 范 雲 台灣大學社會系副教授、社會民主黨召集人 苗博雅 社會民主黨全國委員 崔愫欣 綠色公民行動聯盟秘書長 趙天麟 立法委員 ──推薦 __________________________________________ 改變社會是要改變什麼？又要如何改變？ 許多人想改變社會，但卻又不覺得社會真的可以改變。根本的原因在於，人們不曉得到底該做哪些事才能改變社會。 投下神聖的一票，或者自己參政成為政治人物，就能帶來改變嗎？對此抱持懷疑態度的人不在少數。我們要怎麼理解這樣的狀況？社會可能改變嗎？要改變社會，應該怎麼做才好？這就是本書最核心的主題。 本書是日本社會學者小熊英二，在實際參與社會運動、與人相遇而有所感觸，以及與此同時進行的研究，再加上過去所學與研究成果，種種心得融合下執筆完成。 本書從歷史、社會結構、思想層面導入，第一章綜覽日本現狀，探討核電在日本社會所處的位置，第二章討論社會運動的變遷，第三章描繪日本戰後的社會運動史，第四到第六章則探討民主與選出民意代表的意義，並思索代議民主制度為何出現瓶頸，第七章將簡介有助於實踐社會運動的理論。 六○年代日本的社會運動曾經氣勢浩大，後又沉靜多年，近年從反核運動到反安保法運動，日本示威抗議又再次群聚街頭，但鮮少台灣人了解這些運動的來龍去脈，透過本書不僅能清楚這些前因後果，更能與台灣的社會運動作比較，並賦予自己力量與信心，思考如何透過公民運動實現理想社會。 各界推薦 得獎紀錄：‧中央公論新社新書大賞第1名 ‧反安保學運社團SEALDs選書

How do social movements die? Some explanations highlight internal factors like factionalization, whereas others stress external factors like repression. Christian Davenport offers an alternative explanation where both factors interact. Drawing on organizational, as well as individual-level, explanations, Davenport argues that social movement death is the outgrowth of a coevolutionary dynamic whereby challengers, influenced by their understanding of what states will do to oppose them, attempt to recruit, motivate, calm, and prepare constituents while governments attempt to hinder all of these processes at the same time. Davenport employs a previously unavailable database that contains information on a black nationalist/secessionist organization, the Republic of New Africa, and the activities of authorities in the U.S. city of Detroit and state and federal authorities.

The Logic of Connective Action explains the rise of a personalized digitally networked politics in which diverse individuals address the common problems of our times such as economic fairness and climate change. Rich case studies from the United States, United Kingdom, and Germany illustrate a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale connective action is coordinated using inclusive discourses such as "We Are the 99%" that travel easily through social media. In many of these mobilizations, communication operates as an organizational process that may replace or supplement familiar forms of collective action based on organizational resource mobilization, leadership, and collective action framing. In some cases, connective action emerges from crowds that shun leaders, as when Occupy protesters created media networks to channel resources and create loose ties among dispersed physical groups. In other cases, conventional political organizations deploy personalized communication logics to enable large-scale engagement with a variety of political causes. The Logic of Connective Action shows how power is organized in communication-based networks, and what political outcomes may result.

Social movements such as environmentalism, feminism, nationalism, and the anti-immigration movement figure prominently in the modern world. Comparative Perspectives on Social Movements examines social movements in a comparative perspective, focusing on the role of ideology and beliefs, mechanisms of mobilization, and how politics shapes the development and outcomes of movements. It includes case studies of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, the United States, Italy, the Netherlands, and West Germany.

This book tackles fundamental questions about the nature of personal, political, and national identities and their linkage to big events revolutions, social movements, democratization, and other processes of political and social change. Tilly focuses on the role of stories, as means of creating personal identity, but also as explanations, true or false, of political tensions and realities. He writes with the immediacy of a journalist, but the profound insight of a great theorist.

一向热爱“革命”的欧洲人正在做什么?新的“革命”运动是否正在酝酿?本书比较了瑞士、德国、荷兰、法国四国的新社会运动的社会、民族、文化背景和现实动因，以四国主要报刊的新闻报道为基础进行比较分析。其中特别关注的是反核、同性恋和城市自治等运动。对我们考察研究西欧资本主义社会政治和国家行政等问题具有参考价值，也可从中了解20世纪下半叶西欧社会民主运动的大体状况，感受其随时代的变化。

「每一天發生的每樣事對我來說都是全新的。資訊不斷轟炸著我，經驗不斷轟炸著我……而我衰微的精神狀態幾乎要失控了。」 「你感覺自己將參與這歷史性一刻；在一區域中，整體生活模式裡很深刻的某項東西即將要轉變……你正在……創造……歷史。從某些方面來看是全然無私無我的，但（你）也同時發現了自我。」 「它讓我欣喜若狂……第一次這些片段碎塊嵌合在一塊……感覺像我自己……我認為透過它,我們不但成就了些事，也是實現我個人的救贖。」 「它是我人生中最長的夢魘：三個月──一九六四年的六月、七月、八月。」 本書即是詳述這個撼動美國六○年代，歷時不到三個月的「自由之夏」運動（Freedom Summer）。這段期間，超過一千人聚集至美國密西西比州，共同居住在「自由之家」，或寄住在當地不懼種族隔離主義者威脅的黑人家庭中。計劃期間，難以緩解的恐懼、令人苦惱的貧困，以及間或發生的暴力事件，都困擾計劃的進行，最後造成四位自願者被毆打致死、八十位自願者受傷、一百位自願者被逮捕，並有六十七間教堂、房屋及商店被砸毀或焚燒。這個夏天是每位參與者心中難以磨滅的經驗，他們的生命被改變，進而撼動整個世代。 「自由之夏」是美國社運的重要轉捩點，透過它所引發的文化與政治效應，孕生了日後其他重要運動，包括女權運動、反戰運動、學生運動等。自由之夏不僅為六○年代眾多行動主義的嘗試提供了組織基礎，同時也關鍵性地推動這個時代茁生的反文化思潮發展。

For the first time in a single volume, leading social movement researchers map the full range of applications of network concepts and tools to their field of inquiry. They illustrate how networks affect individual contributions to collective action in both democratic and non-democratic organizations; how patterns of inter-organizational linkages affect the circulation of resources both within movement milieus and between movement organizations and the political system; how network concepts and techniques may improve our grasp of the relationship between movements and elites, of the configuration of alliance and conflict structures, of the clustering of episodes of contention in protest cycles.Social Movements and Networks casts new light on our understanding of social movements and cognate social and political processes.

In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant. The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions: the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region, the role of social movements in larger transformative processes, utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia. This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally. From the Back Cover In the study of civil society and social movements, most cases are based in Western Europe and North America. These two areas of the world have similar histories and political ideals and structures in common which in turn, affect the structure of its civil society. In studying civil society in Asia, a different understanding of history, politics, and society is needed. The region’s long traditions of centralized, authoritarian states buttressed by Confucian and in some cases Communist ideologies may render this concept irrelevant. The chapters in this international volume cover most of the areas and countries traditionally defined as belonging to East Asia: Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore and China. The case studies included in this volume confront the utility of using the Western concept of civil society, represented in its most active form – social movements – to think about East Asia popular politics. Along with providing an array of important case studies of social movements in East Asia, the introduction, chapters and conclusion in the book take up three major theoretical questions: the effect of the East Asian cultural, social and institutional context upon the mobilization, activities and outcomes of social movements in that region the role of social movements in larger transformative processes utility of Western social movement concepts in explaining social movements in East Asia. This book will be of interest to two major groups of readers, those who study East Asia and those who pursue social movements and civil society, as well as politics more generally.

What can the great crises of the past teach us about contemporary revolutions? Arguing from an exciting and original perspective, Goldstone suggests that great revolutions were the product of 'ecological crises' that occurred when inflexible political, economic, and social institutions were overwhelmed by the cumulative pressure of population growth on limited available resources. Moreover, he contends that the causes of the great revolutions of Europe--the English and French revolutions--were similar to those of the great rebellions of Asia, which shattered dynasties in Ottoman Turkey, China, and Japan. The author observes that revolutions and rebellions have more often produced a crushing state orthodoxy than liberal institutions, leading to the conclusion that perhaps it is vain to expect revolution to bring democracy and economic progress. Instead, contends Goldstone, the path to these goals must begin with respect for individual liberty rather than authoritarian movements of 'national liberation.' Arguing that the threat of revolution is still with us, Goldstone urges us to heed the lessons of the past. He sees in the United States a repetition of the behavior patterns that have led to internal decay and international decline in the past, a situation calling for new leadership and careful attention to the balance between our consumption and our resources. Meticulously researched, forcefully argued, and strikingly original, Revolutions and Rebellions in the Early Modern World is a tour de force by a brilliant young scholar. It is a book that will surely engender much discussion and debate.