《国际安全研究的演化》主要收录了后冷战时代的国际安全研究：传统主义者、元事件的消失：摆脱苏联的威胁、内部学术争论：国家中心主义和认识论、大国政治：一种对苏联的替代？、技术驱动力、区域安全与非西方事件等内容。

安全研究涉及对人类基本生存状况的思考,人类的安全状况则直接反映了整个人类文明的演进程度。因而,安全研究理应是人文哲学和社会科学的基础性研究之一。然而,长期以来,国际关系领域缺乏“元理论性”的安全研究,已有的安全研究仅仅局限于战略研究领域,研究范围和解释效力都十分有限。换言之,理论建构的缺乏已经成为安全研究进一步深入的瓶颈所在。巴里.布赞教授所著《人、国家与恐惧》一书正是致力于在安全理论建构方面有所开创。布赞教授的努力表明,安全理论的建构不仅有利于国际安全研究的深入进展,而且有可能为整个国际关系研究提供新的研究范式。 导论 第一章　个人安全与国家安全 作为一种社会问题的个人安全 个人安全与国家的两面性 作为一种威胁来源的国家 结语:个人安全与国家安全 第二章　国家安全与国家性质 作为一种安全对象的国家 国家观念 国家制度 国家的物质基础 结语:强国家与弱国家 第三章 国家不安全:威胁与脆弱性 威胁与脆弱性 不同领域中的威胁类型 威胁的识别 结语:威胁的模糊性 第四章　安全与国际政治体系 国际无政府状态的性质 国家的特征 体系结构在安全分析中的效用与限度 国际社会 结语:无政府状态与安全 第五章　地区安全 国家与体系之间:安全复合体 地区安全简史 作为结构的安全复合体:变化的进程与后果 结语:安全复合体和政策分析 第六章　经济安全 国际政治经济的本质 经济安全的概念 经济安全与国家 经济安全与国际体系 结语:展望一个成熟的无政府政治经济体系 第七章　防御困境 防御困境的界定 防御困境的历史进程 防御困境的持久性 …… 第八章　实力一安全困境 第九章　国家安全与国际安全:政策问题 第十章　国际安全研究总论 译者后记

《霸权体系与国际冲突:美国在国际武装冲突中的支持行为(1945-1988)》以科学的态度和精神，遵循严格的推理和演绎途径，在国际系统理论的框架下，探究冷战时期美国在国际武装冲突中立场选择的规律，得出许多很有启发性和挑战性的结论。中国国际问题学者首当其冲的任务，恐怕是要寻找和形成国际政治专门领域的研究语言与研究规模，并克服模棱两可、大而化之表述的障碍。因为主观臆测、缺乏实证基础的做法，曾经给我们的国际研究与重大问题的判断带来干扰与破坏。与此同时，构筑国际政治领域独特的概念与范畴体系，也是需学者们皓首穷经，冥思苦寻方能实现的境界。

A 2009 Choice Magazine "Outstanding Academic Title" Few would contest that the U.S. occupation of Iraq is a clear example of just how fraught a military occupation can become. In Occupational Hazards, David M. Edelstein elucidates the occasional successes of military occupations and their more frequent failures. Edelstein has identified twenty-six cases since 1815 in which an outside power seized control of a territory where the occupying party had no long-term claim on sovereignty. In a book that has implications for present-day policy, he draws evidence from such historical cases as well as from four current occupations—Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq—where the outcome is not yet known. Occupation is difficult, in Edelstein's view, because ambitious goals require considerable time and resources, yet both the occupied population and the occupying power want occupation to end quickly and inexpensively; in drawn-out occupations, impatience grows and resources dwindle. This combination sabotages the occupying power's ability to accomplish two tasks: convince an occupied population to suppress its nationalist desires and sustain its own commitment to the occupation. Structural conditions and strategic choices play crucial roles in the success or failure of an occupation. In describing those factors, Edelstein prescribes a course of action for the future.

As China emerges as an international economic and military power, the world waits to see how the nation will assert itself globally. Yet, as M. Taylor Fravel shows in Strong Borders, Secure Nation, concerns that China might be prone to violent conflict over territory are overstated. The first comprehensive study of China's territorial disputes, Strong Borders, Secure Nation contends that China over the past sixty years has been more likely to compromise in these conflicts with its Asian neighbors and less likely to use force than many scholars or analysts might expect. By developing theories of cooperation and escalation in territorial disputes, Fravel explains China's willingness to either compromise or use force. When faced with internal threats to regime security, especially ethnic rebellion, China has been willing to offer concessions in exchange for assistance that strengthens the state's control over its territory and people. By contrast, China has used force to halt or reverse decline in its bargaining power in disputes with its militarily most powerful neighbors or in disputes where it has controlled none of the land being contested. Drawing on a rich array of previously unexamined Chinese language sources, Strong Borders, Secure Nation offers a compelling account of China's foreign policy on one of the most volatile issues in international relations.

《国家安全的文化:世界政治中的规范与认同》集中探讨的是规范、认同和文化在国际国内安全中的影响问题，将建构主义的基本观点第一次全面地运用于实证领域。它涉及到了从19世纪20年代的希腊独立运动到今天的巴以谈判这样漫长的历史，思考了从核武器和化学武器使用禁令到人道主义干涉这样迫切的国际问题。《国家安全的文化:世界政治中的规范与认同》的问世代表着美国学术界一场知识运动的高峰，奠定了国家安全和全球事务研究的新框架，宣告建构主义已经发展成为一种独立于现实主义和理性主义的理论分析方法。著名的社会建构主义学者泰德·霍普夫（Ted Hopf）盛赞它是“把建构主义和安全研究结合起来的第一次尝试之作”、“必将成为国际关系理论的一部新的经典”。直到今天，我们仍然很难看到有另外一本著作能如此全面、深刻地探讨社会建构主义；可以想见，它以前是、现在是、将来也还会是那些想深入了解建构主义国际关系理论的读者的案头必备之作。《国家安全的文化》由著名的美国国际关系理论家彼得·卡赞斯坦教授主编，汇集了包括亚历山大·温特、玛莎·费丽莫、伊丽莎白·基尔、江忆恩等在内十六位美国一流学者的学术论文。

Cultural Realism is an in-depth study of premodern Chinese strategic thought that has important implications for contemporary international relations theory. In applying a Western theoretical debate to China, Iain Johnston advances rigorous procedures for testing for the existence and influence of "strategic culture." Johnston sets out to answer two empirical questions. Is there a substantively consistent and temporally persistent Chinese strategic culture? If so, to what extent has it influenced China's approaches to security? The focus of his study is the Ming dynasty's grand strategy against the Mongols (1368-1644). First Johnston examines ancient military texts as sources of Chinese strategic culture, using cognitive mapping, symbolic analysis and congruence tests to determine whether there is a consistent grand strategic preference ranking across texts that constitutes a single strategic culture. Then he applies similar techniques to determine the effect of the strategic culture on the strategic preferences of the Ming decision makers. Finally, he assesses the effect of these preferences on Ming policies towards the Mongol "threat." The findings of this book challenge dominant interpretations of traditional Chinese strategic thought. They suggest also that the roots of realpolitik are ideational and not predominantly structural. The results lead to the surprising conclusion that there may be, in fact, fewer cross-national differences in strategic culture than proponents of the "strategic culture" approach think.

In brute-force struggles for survival, such as the two World Wars, disorganization and divisions within an enemy alliance are to one's own advantage. However, most international security politics involve coercive diplomacy and negotiations short of all-out war. Worse Than a Monolith demonstrates that when states are engaged in coercive diplomacy--combining threats and assurances to influence the behavior of real or potential adversaries--divisions, rivalries, and lack of coordination within the opposing camp often make it more difficult to prevent the onset of conflict, to prevent existing conflicts from escalating, and to negotiate the end to those conflicts promptly. Focusing on relations between the Communist and anti-Communist alliances in Asia during the Cold War, Thomas Christensen explores how internal divisions and lack of cohesion in the two alliances complicated and undercut coercive diplomacy by sending confusing signals about strength, resolve, and intent. In the case of the Communist camp, internal mistrust and rivalries catalyzed the movement's aggressiveness in ways that we would not have expected from a more cohesive movement under Moscow's clear control. Reviewing newly available archival material, Christensen examines the instability in relations across the Asian Cold War divide, and sheds new light on the Korean and Vietnam wars. While recognizing clear differences between the Cold War and post-Cold War environments, he investigates how efforts to adjust burden-sharing roles among the United States and its Asian security partners have complicated U.S.-China security relations since the collapse of the Soviet Union.

国家为什么结盟以及国家如何选择自己的盟友，这是国际政治理论经常探讨的重要问题。本书作者斯蒂芬·沃尔特认为，国家之所以结盟主要是为了制衡威胁，而不仅仅是制衡权力。威胁主要源于综合实力、地缘的毗邻性、进攻实力和侵略意图四个方面。据此，他提出了国家结盟原因的五个假设并通过考察1955年到1979年中东地区的联盟历史进行了检验。最终，沃尔特得出结论，国家结盟的目的是制衡对自己构成最大威胁的国家，而不一定是实力最强大的国家。在应对威胁时，国家更有可能进行制衡，而追随强者行为只是那些孤立无援的弱小国家迫不得已的选择。意识形态、经济援助和跨国渗透在联盟形成过程中的作用有限。

From Iraq to Bosnia to North Korea, the first question in American foreign policy debates is increasingly: Can air power alone do the job? Robert A. Pape provides a systematic answer. Analyzing the results of over thirty air campaigns, including a detailed reconstruction of the Gulf War, he argues that the key to success is attacking the enemy's military strategy, not its economy, people, or leaders. Coercive air power can succeed, but not as cheaply as air enthusiasts would like to believe. Pape examines the air raids on Germany, Japan, Korea, Vietnam, and Iraq as well as those of Israel versus Egypt, providing details of bombing and governmental decision making. His detailed narratives of the strategic effectiveness of bombing range from the classical cases of World War II to an extraordinary reconstruction of airpower use in the Gulf War, based on recently declassified documents. In the first major book since the Vietnam War on the theory and practice of airpower and its political effects, Robert A. Pape helps policy makers judge the purpose of various air strategies, and helps general readers understand the policy debates.

《日本大战略与东亚的未来》内容简介：与20世纪八九十年代国际关系学者们醉心于整个国际体系和体系理论的状况不同，大战略研究领域正在成为当今国际问题研究的一个热点。进入21世纪，虽然和平与发展是所有国家所追求的目标，但是冲突与战争仍然在世界的各个角落不断出现，国家仍然面临威胁与危机。因此，国家想要有效维护自己的权益，保障生存，就必须具有战略上的筹划和指导。

“如果历史能够真实再现，那么在每个历史事件的背后，都有一些不为人知的内幕。” ——詹姆斯•包斯威尔 《情报的兴衰》是美国国防部历史学家、前中央情报局和国家情报主任办公室历史学家迈克尔•华纳（Michael Warner）的著作。该书从间谍活动和间谍技术的发展故事着手，以世界情报发展为脉络，系统阐述了国际安全的发展历程，完整呈现了情报活动从原始的秘密活动到走向专业化、机 制化的演变和发展过程，以及它与所处历史现实的相互影响，尤其是探讨了国家对间谍活动传统上的垄断的“衰落”，以及这一衰落对今天乃至未来的深远影响。 这是国内外第一本全面介绍情报演变的专业书籍，述说了专业化、机制化的情报活动的演变和发展的历史，而且为广大民众揭开了情报这一神秘行业的面纱，重点探讨了国家对间谍活动传统上的垄断的“衰落”，以及这一衰落对今天乃至未来的深远影响。 “世界改变情报，情报改变世界”。这本全面介绍间谍、情报活动发展历史的书籍的出版，对于国际安全研究、国际事务和情报领域的从业者、学生和学者而言具有极高的参考价值，与此同时，对于那些对间谍活动和间谍技术的发展故事感兴趣的大众而言，也是一本不得多得的好书。 【名家推荐】 作者将那些经典的情报传奇故事嵌入外交、技术、意识形态等大背景中娓娓道来，引导读者进入国际安全史的时空畅游，理解时代是如何造就了丰富多彩的情报，情报又将怎样深刻影响社会生活。 ——国际关系学院校长，教授 陶坚 该书从国际安全史的视角解读了情报的兴衰，读者可以走近并了解情报这一神秘领域。它告诉我们一个事实，随着时代的变迁和国际关系的发展变化，哪个国际重视情报工作，舍得在情报工作上投入人力、物力和财力，哪个国家的情报体制合理科学，就可能在国与国之间的博弈中占得先机，赢得主动。 ——国防大学战略教研部原主任，少将 朱成虎

《和平与战争》是一部研究过去350年中的战争起源与和平建设的重要著作，堪称外交史、战争与和平研究、国际关系、国际冲突以及政治学研究中的重要著作。 千百年来有无数的政治学家、哲学家和历史学家探讨过战争发生的原因问题，并产生了浩如烟海的著作，但这一问题仍然没有定论。霍尔斯蒂在这本书中从一个新的角度切入对该问题的研究。他提出了三个相互关联的问题：是什么样的争议问题引发了冲突？人们对待战争的态度是如何改变的？为了控制和预防国际冲突和危机，人们过去曾经做过什么样的努力，采取过什么样的措施？ 霍尔斯蒂教授首先评价大量有关战争研究文献的成就与不足，并提出了自己研究国际政治的框架模式。然后，他详细考察了自1648年以来将近三个半世纪中欧洲和世界国家体系中的177次战争和大型的武装冲突，以及调停人在战争结束后所做出的几次阶段性的建立秩序的努力。 从方法上看，本书在叙述风格上体现为历史的描述与科学的分析相结合，既有历史学家对故事细节的敏感，又有政治学家对理论分析的缜密。一卷在手，读来毫无枯燥之感。

《大战的起源》是一部上乘之作。作者娴熟地将理论模型与史实分析予以融合，对大战的起源问题作了深入的解读，认为国家之间力量对比的变化会加剧大战爆发的危险。《大战的起源》对政治学家和历史学家都具有重大价值，并将有助于对国家力量的转化和未来世界和平的前景问题在学术上和政策定位上进行积极思考。